The Mess that was India’s Independence    -- Tiberman Sajiwan Ramyead 

 
  All nations love to glorify the ‘epic struggles’ of their Independence, both 
out of a sense of duty and for the distractions the celebrations provide. The 
programmes are steered by the reigning government of course. Vibrant homage is 
paid to the ‘freedom fighters’ and to the ‘father of the nation’; there is 
always one. The pomp is all sprinkled with loving memories of the commoners’ 
sacrifice. Politicians brandish names that suit them, leaving out politically 
incorrect characters. And post-independence generations end up believing the 
stories as the whole truth and nothing but the truth, and generally also end up 
with some grudge for the ‘oppressors’ and ‘colonialists’. Today England, the 
land of the scheming oppressor, swarms with first, second and third generation 
immigrants from the oppressed lands and it is still the dream of a good many to 
migrate to British green grass! 
  As Mauritius Times celebrated its first anniversary in August 1955, Bhupendra 
Nath’s first page article, ‘Independence of India’, reminded Mauritians of the 
sublime ‘epic struggle of the Indian people to regain their independence… 
Through peaceful constitutional methods 350 million people… had won their 
freedom.’ Today’s speeches resound of the same stereotype. 
  But in actual fact the periods before, during and after her Independence were 
India’s worst ones in her long history; far from peaceful. Never had so much 
ingloriousness sprung from both sides in the context of freedom struggles. On 
the Indian side – and as usual there had never been such a thing as one India, 
the shames ranged from marked weaknesses to dishonour, ingratitude, treachery 
and age-old communal hatred. The disunity had rendered Mahatma Gandhi nearly 
insane as he evolved ‘from truth to truth’. During the crucial moments of final 
political settlements he could only advance the unreasonable suggestions of a 
child. 
  A few well-researched history books that have emerged years after the events 
spell out those inglorious acts with stark objectivity (Reference). They serve 
the reader usefully – if only as reminders that the people of one’s country 
were not exactly devoid of the gross mistakes, injustice, tyrannies and 
monstrosities attributed to the colonial oppressors. Often, a good many 
discourse and history books present the truth, the whole truth and anything but 
the truth, as it were, hiding away machinations.  
  Maurice: Une île et son passé – Antoine Chelin (1989)  
  15  August 1947 (events in Mauritius) obtains the shortest entry for that 
year: Célébration de l’Indépendance de l’Inde. The longest for that year is 
around 50 words – about a lawyer, Raymond Hein (knighted later) receiving some 
special gratitude Britain had transmitted to Mauritius. Author’s note: a few 
years later this same lawyer would fight for his clients in Savanne – for the 
opening of new taverns and sale of more liquor. Upon the refusal of the 
District Council to issue new permits, he appealed to the Governor.  
  India’s Congress Party  
  In 1883 (1885 according to Bhattacherge), when Indians were years away from 
anything resembling a structured political party, the Indian National congress, 
then known as the Indian National Union, was founded by Allan Octavian Hume, a 
civil servant of Scottish nationality. With the blessings of the then Viceroy, 
Hume had sought to create, in good faith, an organisation which would canalise 
the protests of Indians into a responsible body that would dialogue with the 
English rulers. Such was the start of India’s National Congress party, later 
the focal point of mass agitation against British rule. Poor forgotten Hume! 
And when Gandhi joined the political scene he simply took on from where that 
party stood; of course shifting his country’s history in the bargain.
  Upon his return from India in the early 1900s, Winston Churchill, who was 
wholeheartedly for a British Empire for ‘those lesser breeds without the law’, 
sent out two pounds every month to the Indian who had been his bearer. He was 
still sending the money in 1947. A year later he would write in his two-volume 
‘Gathering Storm’: ‘I felt sure we should lose India in the final result and 
that measureless disasters would come upon the Indian peoples.’ And the 
disasters did rain down on India, caused by the most legendary infightings and 
communal riots, at a time when that country could have done with even some 
semblance of national unity. But national unity was, and still is, most 
unIndian – a quality handed down to the children in her Diasporas.   
  Mauritius and India, 1946  
  It is interesting to note the recourse that a few Indians in Mauritius took 
during that year with regard to their plight in the island. Through Pundit 
Krishna Dutt Paliwal, Member of the interim Indian Legislative Assembly, 
Parliamentary Questions were directed to Nehru, also Member for Commonwealth 
Relations:  
  ‘Will… the Member please state whether it is a fact that Indians in Mauritius 
are not able to enjoy their legal rights due to the racial favouritism….’  
  Nehru: ‘The Government of India are not aware… The Government have no 
definite information on this point…’  
  Nearly one dozen such questions and memoranda pertaining to Mauritius would 
subsequently be tabled in the Indian Assembly. They finally drove Nehru to 
exclaim: ‘I am very greatly ashamed.’ 
  But India was embarking on the gloom and doom of its history. Atul Dev put it 
mildly in his article ‘Celebrating 60 Years of India’s Independence’ (Mauritius 
Times, 10 August 2007). The euphoria of ‘Swaraj’ and ‘Jai Hind’ served as mild 
anaesthetics. The last Viceroy of the empire, Louis Mountbatten, who would 
later be personally supplicated by Gandhi and Nehru, amongst others, to stay on 
as the first Governor General, cruelly receives no mention on the occasion of 
India’s Independence anniversaries. 25 years later he would recall: ‘I did not 
realise how utterly impossible my task in India was going to be until I met 
Mohamed Ali Jinnah for the first time.’  
  Some little known facts on India’s 1947 episode  
  Two men worked on the gigantic partition settlements of goods and chattel, 
amazingly undisturbed and uninfluenced, in their  bungalows in Delhi – they 
were seasoned British civil servants too – Chaudhuri Mohammed Ali, a Moslem, 
and H.M. Patel, a Hindu. History does not seem to record any emotional 
bickering between the two men. They received reports from a score of committees 
and regularly submitted their recommendations to the Partition Council, chaired 
by the Viceroy. Sir Cyril Radcliffe, an eminent London lawyer chosen because he 
had never been to India and would therefore stick to objectivity, arrived in 
Delhi to handle the boundaries commission aspects. He did the job in record 
time and India’s 400 million souls seemed to have been hardly aware of the 
existence of Mohammed Ali, Patel and Radcliffe. 
  The Moslems wanted the Taj Mahal broken up and shipped to Pakistan because it 
had been built by a Moghul. Hindu saddhus insisted that the Indus River, 
flowing  through the heart of Moslem India, should somehow be theirs because 
their sacred Vedas had been written on its banks 25 centuries before. In the 
stable yards of the Viceroy’s House, another most remarkable division took 
place – at issue were twelve horse-drawn viceregal carriages that had conveyed 
Viceroys, visiting sovereigns and other royal dignitaries; six were trimmed in 
gold and the other six in silver. It was decided to toss a coin. The gold went 
to India and the silver to Pakistan. 
  After dividing the harnesses, whips, wigs and coachmen’s uniforms a last 
indivisible item remained – a horn. The young naval officer handling the 
handouts decided to keep it for himself. And thus the books, bank notes and 
bureaucrats’ chairs of the British Empire were divided between India and 
Pakistan. Dictionaries were ripped in half, with A to K going to India, the 
rest to Pakistan. In Lahore a bitter quarrel ensued as to which dominion would 
get a trombone, after other equipment had been divided up. As the authors put 
it in ‘Freedom at Midnight’: ‘The meanness, the petty mindedness those 
divisions (Indian soldiers) sometimes produced were staggering.’ 
  The legendary Indian Army of 1.2 million superb soldiers was also divided up. 
It was proposed to maintain it intact as a security measure for both India and 
Pakistan. Jinnah flatly refused. 
  The number of dead during the partition massacres, a cataclysm without 
precedent and totally unforeseen, will never be known. They ran into millions. 
The authors of ‘Freedom at Midnight’ describe the Sikhs, in the most infamous 
Punjab killings, as ‘the best organised, most vicious killers of all.’ And 
British officers who had stayed on to serve in the Indian or Pakistan armies 
after 15 August 1947 summed it up: ‘It was far worse than anything we saw in 
World War II.’ The partition, its human exodus and mass killings, both in 
millions, are unparalleled in history.  
  Conclusions?  
  What conclusions can be derived on the 60th year of India’s independence? 
Atul Dev has put it well: ‘But the pain that partition inflicted on Hindus,  
Sikhs and Muslims, is the real, albeit invisible, story of that time… India and 
Pakistan continue to be inimical to each other, resulting in a series of wars… 
it has fortunately not resulted in any major conflict lately.’ 
  It is impossible to draw a series of clear-cut conclusions from India’s 
chaotic Independence episode, but it certainly stands out as the most painful 
in history. Our younger readers may now begin to understand what Sir 
Seewoosagur Ramgoolam meant when he said that our independence was obtained 
without bloodshed. ‘Mountbatten and Independent India’ (Reference, bought at 
Nalanda Bookshop), a selection of personal interviews with Lord Louis 
Mountbatten, sheds unprecedented light on the untold stories. 
  The photograph is revelatory of the mess, communal and political that India 
has, and is still going through. It shows Gandhi’s assassins posing before 
their murder trial. Front row, left to right: N. Apte, 34, the brain of the 
plot: hanged; V. Savarkar, 65, homosexual: acquitted; Nathuram Godse, 39, the 
killer, woman-hating: hanged; V. Karkare, 34, anti-Moslem: life imprisonment; 
D.Badge, 37, arms peddler, state witness: released. Rear row: S. Kistaya, 
Badge’s servant: acquitted; Gopal Godse, 29, the killer’s brother: life 
imprisonment; M. Pahwa, 20, Punjabi refugee who had sworn to avenge his 
mutilated father: life imprisonment. 
  But I shall always love India, my legitimate, cherished second home.  
   [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
   
  http://www.mauritiustimes.com/310807ramyead.htm

       
---------------------------------
Be a better Heartthrob. Get better relationship answers from someone who knows.
Yahoo! Answers - Check it out. 
_______________________________________________
assam mailing list
[email protected]
http://assamnet.org/mailman/listinfo/assam_assamnet.org

Reply via email to