Understanding the alchemy of Modi's victory
   
  http://www.rediff.com/news/2007/dec/23bhatt.htm
   
  Sheela Bhatt 
   
  December 23, 2007
Rediff.com Managing Editor (National Affairs) Sheela Bhatt is one of the few 
journalists who called the Gujarat election accurately. 
  This is the second election this year that Rediff.com's forecast has been 
breathtakingly correct. In May, columnist Nazarwala pooh-poohed the so-called 
mainstream media's predictions for a hung assembly in Uttar Pradesh and 
declared Mayawati and the Bahujan Samaj Party a clear winner.   One of the best 
informed voices on Gujarat and Gujaratis for the last 30 years, Bhatt correctly 
detected the undercurrents in Gujarati society to inform our readers that 
despite the exit polls and surveys that claimed a close battle in the western 
state, Chief Minister Narendra Modi would emerge triumphant.   Today, she 
examines the communal, social and personality factors that led to Modi's famous 
victory.    
  Riding against all odds, Narendra Modi has won the election convincingly. In 
one line, the victory shows that it is a people's mandate for his personality. 
It is a clear vote for a person and leader called Narendra Modi. Like Lalu 
Yadav in Bihar and Jayalalithaa in Tamil Nadu, in Gujarat too, the leader is 
much above the party.
   
  This was one of the most-emotional elections that India has witnessed. Modi 
wanted this election to be fought on emotional issues and not on real issues. 
He assured a 'riot-free Gujarat' to all when there was no imminent threat of 
riots. His speeches sent the clear message, 'I am promising you Gujarat's 
progress, which will be free from communal tension.' His unspoken message said, 
'Under my rule, disruptive elements, including jihadis, will be repressed by 
any means.'   The Hindu majority in urban areas liked what Modi promised. The 
chief minister may have looked bold and fearless, but his election strategy was 
actually cautious and conservative. He did not let himself be trapped in 
idealism. He knew clearly that his development agenda could not by itself win 
him the election and that the anti-incumbency factor would corrode his 
electoral platform.   Indeed, Modi's development message neither lacked clarity 
nor credibility, but he did not dare to dilute his own brand of
 Hindutva. He wanted this election to be fought on emotional issues and his 
theatrical and melodramatic performances were deliberately calibrated to 
sustain a high level of synergy between him and the public.   It was a 
no-holds-barred war; Modi and even the Congress used, abused and relished all 
weapons available with them.
   
  Modi carefully built up his image. His photographs, his shampooed-conditioned 
hair, his crystal clear, anti-glare spectacles, his watches, his crisp kurtas 
-- everything was part of his package aimed at building up mass hysteria. Not 
many would comprehend that there is a wide difference between the perception of 
Modi in public life and his real self. But the public perception of Modi 
-� what he means to the people -� has so outgrown all else about 
him that it has become a reality.   The real Modi (who is not counted as a 
hardcore Hindutva leader) looks pale by the side of the public perception of 
him, and may have become, arguably, pointless -� including, perhaps, for 
Modi himself.
  The real Modi has scripted a certain image of himself for public consumption. 
It was merely a strategy to win the election or garner influence in his party. 
And, what success he has earned in doing so!   The media, unknowingly and 
knowingly, helped him. His last six years of power made his agenda easier. He 
got hold of resources needed for creating a wave for himself. In the era of 
television personality cults, it is not difficult to build up a public image if 
you know how the mindset in television newsroom functions.   Modi's personality 
of being a macho man with a 56 inch-size chest, a leader who toils for Gujarat, 
a politician who will get things done in New Delhi and the Hindutva hero who 
will keep Muslims under control -� all these, each in its own way, has 
helped him win the votes of a majority of Gujaratis.   People who are 
entrepreneurial and hardworking loved their chief minister who would attend 
office from morning till late in the night. Also, his
 decision to sack one-third of the sitting MLAs proved advantageous. He thus 
overcame anti-incumbency factor in a big way.
   
  In Gujarat many people wondered: "Look, how powerful is Modi. He can even 
defeat the media."
  Today, the common belief is that the corporate media wields power. And the 
media, too, has come to believe in its power. But Modi has punctured the vanity 
of the corporate media. He ignored the media barons. Modi is the first Indian 
politician to transcend India's corporate media. The result was predictable. He 
got so much bad publicity that the people started sympathising with him, 
concluding that he was a victim of the 'power-wielding' media.   When the media 
delivered brickbats to Modi, BJP supporters gave him bouquets. His image of 
being a lone ranger also came in handy for Modi even as the media mauled him 
with epithets. The common man felt, "The poor fellow -- the media is just not 
allowing him to work for Gujarat's progress."
  The Congress's biggest mistake was to believe the anti-Modi propaganda. Some 
of it was actually planted by its leaders. They were trapped in their own web 
when they started believing the so-called logical arguments and not looking at 
the emotional fervour within the masses.
   
  Modi's men always maintained that the anti-Modi brigade within the BJP, led 
by Keshubhai Patel, was a "spent force". Modi ridiculed the dissidents with 
confidence because he believed that the so-called Patel leaders, who were with 
Keshubhai, were corrupt and the people knew it. But he was careful to give 
tickets to Patels so that no anti-Modi campaigner could monopolise the Patel 
votes. Equally, he was careful to send the signal that he was not anti-Patel.   
Modi trumped the caste card by playing the caste card with elan.
   
  The Congress, fearful of being overwhelmed by Modi's popularity, made the 
fatal error of not projecting even a weak leader under its banner. Fear does 
not win you power. The absence of a Congress chief ministerial candidate proved 
expensive.   Modi filled up the vacuum by pitting himself against Sonia Gandhi. 
He has thereby raised his stature in national politics.   In corresponding 
terms, Sonia Gandhi's stature was diminished once she found herself with no 
choice but to take on Modi in her speeches.   When people are emotive, the 
local hero always has an edge over a leader, no matter how tall a figure s/he 
is in national politics, who cannot even speak the voter's language. Sonia 
Gandhi's speechwriters should be sacked for clumsy political writing.
  How can you keep talking about the issues people don't want to talk about?
  When one talks about the 'fear factor' in Gujarat, one is talking about the 
plight of Muslims. Certainly, that has to be an issue and it must be talked 
about in an election campaign. But you need credibility amongst the majority 
when you talk to them about the plight of the minority.   Sonia Gandhi's usage 
of the phrase 'maut ke saudagar' has proved to be no less foolish than Rajiv 
Gandhi's 'nani yaad dilayenge' remark. After that remark, whenever Congressmen 
resorted to anti-Modi rhetoric, many Gujaratis took it to mean anti-Gujarat 
remarks.
   
  Modi's cunning political acumen turned Sonia's wordcraft to work in his 
favour. He played his regional parochialism card astutely that anything said 
against him began to take on the resonance of being 'anti-Gujarat.'
   
  The tribals of Gujarat took up the Ram Mandir issue after 10 years of hard 
work by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. It seems the tribals want to remain 
connected with the Sangh Parivar. The Congress seems to have decisively lost 
the tribals of Gujarat to the BJP. 
   
  Modi exudes raw energy. His behaviour, his speeches and style conveyed to the 
youth and women a direct compelling message: 'I am a karmath (doer). Come, help 
me to build a rich and prosperous Gujarat. See, I live alone without a family. 
You are my family. I don't enrich myself and I don't allow others to indulge in 
corruption.' This message in public was peppered by innumerable anecdotes, 
which have become the stuff of folklore -- that he writes poetry, he eats 
vegetarian food (mostly khichdi), he likes yoga and, of course, that he is a 
lonely soul.
  
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