The Anna Hazare movement crept up unnoticed, pounced suddenly and unexpectedly 
seized a country by the throat. Within hours of Hazare announcing his fast, the 
news, disseminated by 24-hour media, had spread to every city, small town and 
village. A media event rapidly became a public one.

Hundreds heard, pushed back their chairs and charpoys and walked. They walked 
with candles, they marched to streetside venues. Forty thousand 'liked' 
Hazare's 'India Against Corruption' page on Facebook. There were protests in 
400 locations across the world. Seven lakh people expressed solidarity with 
Hazare by giving a missed call.The crowds were peaceful, well-behaved and not a 
single violent incident was reported. At Jantar Mantar in Delhi, the atmosphere 
was low key and respectable. No goons. Instead, the new knowledge economy 
middle class turned up: geeks, students, doctors, litigants who had battled an 
uncaring state for decades. They came to sit with an elderly man from 
Maharashtra whose name they may never have heard before but who, they had 
heard, was willing to die for them.The movement for the Jan Lok Pal Bill has 
been criticised. A fast unto death in many ways is undemocratic and sets a 
precedent of blackmail. There is an authoritarian
 undertone to a group of unelected civil society members seeking to make law. 
The movement betrayed glimpses of a disrespect to all democratic institutions 
like Parliament and seemed to place its hopes on a dictatorial super hero like 
the Lok Pal with absolute powers. When powers of judge, jury and executioner 
are all vested in a single entity, its possible that entity could become an 
instrument of evil.All these reservations must be taken on board by the 
committee which will draft the Jan Lok Pal Bill. Our elected representatives 
are the heartbeat of our republic and if we place them in jeopardy, we will 
become yet another high-growth authoritarian country like our neighbours in 
south east Asia. The 'sab neta chor hai' mentality is dangerous. A country that 
hates its elected politicians soon begins to hate democracy itself.But those 
who criticise the Anna Hazare movement as being anti-politician and thus anti- 
democratic must also answer the question:
 is Indian democratic politics still democratic? Or is democratic politics now 
a gigantic multi-crore syndicate in which hereditary bosses control paid 
vote-banks to repeatedly return to power? According to a study, the total 
amount spent in 2009 elections was R10,000 crore. The Hazare movement did not 
became a wildfire phenomenon because of the media. It became a phenomenon 
precisely because of the helplessness that people feel about politics becoming 
impervious to public concerns. Democratic politics is in danger of becoming a 
closed upper class of well-connected super-rich folk for whom India is a 
playground. Politics is perceived as business-driven, family-driven and cut off 
from the aam aadmi.Almost every political party today is dynastic. When a 
political party represents an idea or vision, voters feel they can vote, donate 
and support that party. But when a political party represents only a particular 
family and family enrichment, then how can
 voters either support, donate or vote for it? No wonder parties can't rely on 
public donations and must seek nefarious funds to win elections.All corruption 
today has its roots in the funding of elections. The DMK is a good example of 
how hereditary politics is intimately connected with big money. When a 
candidate campaigns on the strength of his vision and charisma, he can raise 
money on his agenda for change; when he campaigns for a family name, he relies 
inevitably on the business connections of his family. When asked why he didn't 
contest elections, Hazare candidly admitted that since he did not have money 
and liquor power, he would lose his deposit. In today's democracy, perhaps even 
Gandhi would lose his deposit.In his recent book India: A Portrait, Patrick 
French points out that all MPs under the age of 30 are hereditary. More than 
two thirds of 66 MPs under the age of 40 are hereditary. Of women MPs, 69.5% 
are hereditary. If the present trend
 continues, the Indian parliament will soon be made up of only hereditary MPs 
and India will be back to the era of the princelings and their kingdoms.The 
Hazare movement is then a wake-up call for Indian politicians. Yes, there is a 
citizenry out there which is severely unhappy with being saddled with a 
Parliament that has become a closed shop of tycoons and family scions. Yes, 
there is a citizenry out there that feels helpless and anguished that big money 
and big power are charting the nation's destiny according to their needs. Yes, 
there is a citizenry out there that feels betrayed that politicians are handing 
over their legacies not to the country but to their sons and daughters. Yes, 
there is a citizenry out there that feels agitated when an aloof and elitist 
government does not talk to them as equal stakeholders.Hazare's movement must 
not be seen as just a movement against corruption; its also a movement against 
the kind of 'democracy' we are
 becoming. A fast unto death has gatecrashed the political cocktail party. In a 
patchy subliminal way, the word 'public' has been re-inserted into the 
Republic.(Sagarika Ghose is deputy editor, CNN-IBN. The views expressed by the 
author are personal)source:
http://www.hindustantimes.com/For-the-re-public/Article1-684481.aspx
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