Looks scary!

On 5/3/11, uttam borthakur <uttambortha...@yahoo.co.in> wrote:
> "You might remember a Shekhar Suman gag on Zee TV's Movers and
> Shakers several years ago: An angry George W Bush announces that the United
> States will bomb the place where Osama bin Laden is found to be
> hiding.Hearing this, Vajpayee looks under his bed, pauses, and with a
> characteristic flick of his wrist says: "Thank God! He isn't here!"Over in
> Rawalpindi, General Musharraf looks under his bed, sighs in relief, and
> says: "Thank God! He is still here!"Shekhar Suman, more than most Western
> analysts, got the plot right. Keeping Osama bin Laden out of Washington's
> hands was vital in order to prevent having to publicly deal with revelations
> of how the Pakistani military-jihadi complex not only was connected
> with al-Qaeda, but might also have been involved in the conspiracy behind
> the 9/11 attacks.Moreover, when the Pakistani military leadership was
> getting paid hundreds of millions of dollars per year to hunt bin Laden
> down, it made little sense to give
>  him up quickly. As early as October 2001, a month after 9/11, wags in
> Islamabad coined the phrase "al-Faida" (the profit) in anticipation of the
> rewards Pakistan would reap for joining the war on terror that it had played
> a part in creating. Pakistan was in an international doghouse at that time.
> Its economy was crumbling under the weight of sections imposed by the
> international community for having carried out nuclear tests in 1998. Its
> government, then under General Musharraf's military dictatorship, was seen
> as odious, not least for supporting the original Taliban regime in Kabul. It
> was barely surviving on Saudi largesse until September 2001, when General
> Musharraf's ditching of one set of allies for another changed his country's
> fortunes -- from being nearly toast, Pakistan was the toast.Just how much
> was the al-Faida worth? According to data compiled by K Alan Kronstadt, of
> the US Congressional Research Service, between 2002 and 2010, US
>  direct overt aid and military reimbursements to Pakistan amounted to $19.6
> billion, of which $13.3 billion was for security-related heads. Obviously,
> if there is "direct, overt" aid, there is likely to be "indirect, covert"
> aid. There is also the money from other countries and loans from the IMF.
> Because the military-jihadi complex dominates the Pakistani political
> economy, it is the primary beneficiary of this largesse. Between 2002 and
> 2008, my estimate suggests that the business of shipping US and NATO
> containers from Karachi to Kabul alone made $500m per year for the military
> establishment and $300m per year for the militant groups. Why would they
> want the gravy train to stop?They wouldn't, but the Obama administration had
> other ideas. It made three changes that caused the Pakistani military
> establishment to redo its sums. First, the Kerry-Lugar-Berman legislation
> made it harder for the military to capture the funds. It also came with more
>  strings attached. Second, the Obama administration increased the number of
> drone strikes against targets in Pakistan, while increasing pressure on the
> Pakistani army to go after the taliban groups in its tribal areas. Finally,
> by indicating a timeline for withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan,
> Washington triggered the endgame.With the Obama adminstration taking a
> harder line on the Pakistani army, the al-Faida from the war against
> al-Qaeda began to be less attractive. At the same time, with a US withdrawal
> in sight, Afghanistan began to look more attractive as a prize. For General
> Kayani to stand a chance for claiming this prize, it is necessary for
> President Obama to prevail over other members of his administration and get
> US troops out earlier.Playing the bin Laden card is a brilliant way to
> achieve this outcome. Although US officials claim they did it without
> Pakistan's knowledge or permission, it is hard to believe he could be found
> without the
>  Pakistani military establishment permitting it.Either way, bin Laden's
> elimination provides the right political cover for President Obama to
> declare victory and order his troops out of Afghanistan. Once withdrawal
> starts, President Obama will be politically dependent on General Kayani to
> ensure that it takes place in a manner that doesn't damage his re-election
> prospects. Expect the latter to use the leverage to ensure that the
> military-jihadi complex gets its proxies into the government in Kabul.As
> I wrote on my blog yesterday, "the United States is unlikely to punish
> Pakistan for the decade of duplicity, subterfuge and violence that consumed
> innumerable lives and astounding amounts of money." President Obama will not
> ask why Osama bin Laden was living it up in Abbottabad, a bus stop away from
> the Pakistan Military Academy, and not in a cave somewhere in Waziristan.
> You won't find Washington too interested in confronting General Kayani on
> when bin
>  Laden moved in there and why his presence went undetected for so
> long.Rather, Washington will seek plausible reassurances that after it
> leaves, Afghanistan will not play host to terrorists targeting the United
> States. It will place some anti-Taliban and anti-Pakistan Afghans into
> positions of power in Kabul to balance Pakistan's proxies. It might retain
> some troops and drones in Afghanistan just in case it needs to use a stick.
> That apart, it will accede to Pakistani demands that Kabul be made over to a
> pro-Pakistani regime.In time, the Pakistani military-jihadi complex will
> seek to reconquer Afghanistan (called "gaining strategic depth") with
> China's support or connivance.We are staring at a return of the 1990s. This
> is a bad outcome for Afghans, Pakistanis and Indians. The military-jihadi
> complex will gain in strength. Pakistan's civilian government will be more
> powerless. It will only be a facade with which to seek foreign assistance.
> It will also be
>  the whipping boy, blamed for the worsening state of Pakistan. Hundreds of
> thousands of triumphant militants will need to be given new targets.
> Compared to the early 1990s, it is far more difficult today---strategically
> and operationally---to push them across into India. Yet, the interests of
> the military-jihadi complex and the absence of a miracle job-machine will
> pose a serious threat to India's national security. We may be, at best, two
> summers away from an escalation of the proxy war in Kashmir and
> elsewhere."Nitin Pai is founder & fellow for geopolitics at the Takshashila
> Institution and editor of Pragati - The Indian National Interest Review, a
> publication on strategic affairs, public policy and governance. He blogs
> at The Acorn and is active on Twitter too.
> Uttam Kumar Borthakur
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