Dear Friends:

I neglected to read the article below because of constraints of time but as it 
has interested a great number of NY Times readers, this morning I joined the 
club. I feel like commenting on it but have to stop.




Op-Ed Columnist
America Is Europe
By DAVID BROOKS
Published: February 23, 2012




We Americans cherish our myths. One myth is that there is more social mobility 
in the United States than in Europe. That’s false. Another myth is that the 
government is smaller here than in Europe. That’s largely false, too.


 
Josh Haner/The New York Times
The U.S. does not have a significantly smaller welfare state than the European 
nations. We’re just better at hiding it. The Europeans provide welfare 
provisions through direct government payments. We do it through the back door 
via tax breaks.


For example, in Europe, governments offer health care directly. In the U.S., we 
give employers a gigantic tax exemption to do the same thing. European 
governments offer public childcare. In the U.S., we have child tax credits. In 
Europe, governments subsidize favored industries. We do the same thing by 
providing special tax deductions and exemptions for everybody from ethanol 
producers to Nascar track owners.
These tax expenditures are hidden but huge. Budget experts Donald Marron and 
Eric Toder added up all the spending-like tax preferences and found that, in 
2007, they amounted to $600 billion. If you had included those preferences as 
government spending, then the federal government would have actually been 
one-fifth larger than it appeared.
The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development recently calculated 
how much each affluent country spends on social programs. When you include both 
direct spending and tax expenditures, the U.S. has one of the biggest welfare 
states in the world. We rank behind Sweden and ahead of Italy, Austria, the 
Netherlands, Denmark, Finland and Canada. Social spending in the U.S. is far 
above the organization’s average.
You might say that a tax break isn’t the same as a spending program. You would 
be wrong.
David Bradford, a Princeton economist, has the best illustration of how the 
system works. Suppose the Pentagon wanted to buy a new fighter plane. But 
instead of writing a $10 billion check to the manufacturer, the government just 
issued a $10 billion “weapons supply tax credit.” The plane would still get 
made. The company would get its money through the tax credit. And politicians 
would get to brag that they had cut taxes and reduced the size of government!
This is essentially what’s been happening in sphere after sphere. Government 
controls more and more of the economy. It just does it by getting people to do 
what it wants by manipulating the tax code. Politicians get to take credit for 
addressing problem after problem, but none of their efforts show up as 
unpopular spending.
Many of these individual tax expenditures are good for the country, like the 
charitable deduction and the earned income tax credit. But, as the economist 
Bruce Bartlett demonstrates in his impeccably fair-minded book, “The Benefit 
and the Burden,” the cumulative effect of these tax breaks is terrible. Like 
overgrown weeds, the tangle of tax breaks distorts behavior, clogs the economy 
and deprives the government of revenue.
And because they are hidden, many of the tax expenditures go to those who need 
them least, the well connected and established over the vulnerable and the 
entrepreneurial.
The good news is that change might finally be coming. The Obama administration 
has always theoretically supported a simpler tax code even while operationally 
it has often muddied it up. Nonetheless, this week, Treasury Secretary Timothy 
Geithner unveiled a modest but sensible plan to simplify the corporate tax 
code. The plan is not perfect. The Obama technocrats love tinkering and 
complexity. But Geithner’s plan moves us a small step in the right direction 
and provides a sensible foundation for the big tax negotiations to come.
Mitt Romney has a bigger proposal, which reduces individual rates across the 
board and closes some loopholes. It’s more comprehensive than the Geithner 
approach, but it suffers from two weaknesses. First, it’s politics as usual. 
Romney is specific about the candy — lower tax rates — but vague about the 
vegetables — what loopholes would have to be closed to pay for them.
Moreover, it’s unimaginative. Republicans are perpetually trying to do what 
Ronald Reagan did. But top tax rates today aren’t as onerous as they were in 
1980, so lowering them won’t produce as many benefits. Imagine if Reagan ran 
for office promising to recreate the glory days of Thomas Dewey and you get a 
sense of how much G.O.P. thinking is stuck in the past.
Still, let’s take our good news where we can get it. Attention is shifting to 
tax expenditures and not just direct spending. It’s becoming clear how 
gargantuan, opaque and inefficient the U.S. government has become. Maybe before 
long our political leaders will actually summon the political will to take on 
the special interests that defend these tax breaks.
This should be the top priority: A tax reform effort that simplifies government 
frees the economy and focuses social support on those who actually need it. A 
left-right tax reform alliance to do that would break the political logjam as 
well as the economic one



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