Asom: The Unfinished Agenda of Partition — I
THE REALITY MIRROR
Bikash Sarmah
I n no democratic system of the world would a federal unit be so condemned as 
country’s hinterland as Asom is, at the moment. This, despite the fact of 
commonality between this hinterland and so-called mainland India. The 
Government of India’s pretence is that the kind of ‘‘durable disorder’’ that 
Asom is witness to — as argued by eminent political scientist Sanjib Barua in 
Durable Disorder — has solutions intrinsically related to the problems of the 
region, and therefore the government could afford to be not only a silent 
spectator but also at a safe distance from the complexities of the region. Call 
it the fusion of geo-strategic equations with the Talibanic variety of 
pan-Islamism stemming from neighbouring Bangladesh, or the fallout of the 
derailment and hijacking of the ULFA’s ‘‘freedom struggle’’, Asom’s is a unique 
case of a people being sacrificed at the altar of absolutist designs. By ‘‘a 
people’’ I mean the Asomiyas in the broader sense of the term, with the
 condition that the Asomiya so defined is obviously the one who has 
spontaneously identified himself with the Asomiya way of life. And there is no 
reason why this Asomiya way of life should not be regarded as a way of life, 
perhaps even beyond the existing ivory-tower definitions of nationality and 
subnationality. The fact, however, is that there is a clear impression that the 
Asomiyas should now cease to be an identity, let alone cherish a way of life; 
after all, Asom would no longer be their living space. 
My intention in producing the ‘‘unfinished agenda of Partition’’ vis-a-vis Asom 
has its basis on a very recent development which The Sentinel has reported 
exclusively this week. On June 4, talking to The Sentinel, Asom United 
Democratic Front (AUDF) MLA from Dhubri, Rashul Haq Bahadur, made it 
categorical that time was ripe for a demand for an ‘‘autonomous council’’ for 
the ‘‘minorities’’ in Asom; the so-called minorities being not only ‘‘Muslims’’ 
but also the ‘‘linguistic minorities’’ in the State. Mr Rashul Haq, after being 
fired a volley of questions, ultimately did manage to be at his confident best 
after a good deal of initial hesitation: that ‘‘yes, absolutely’’, the 
‘‘linguistic minorities’’ would definitely back him up in his demand for an 
‘‘autonomous council’’ for the ‘‘minorities’’. But the demand was in his 
‘‘personal’’ capacity, he said. On June 5, AUDF working president Hafiz Rashid 
Choudhury told The Sentinel that the demand for an ‘‘autonomous council’’ for
 the ‘‘minorities’’ as raised by the AUDF MLA from Dhubri, was not in the 
agenda of his party, but then there was need for some sort of an 
‘‘introspection’’ as to why such demands and tendencies were surfacing in the 
State. 
The Sentinel (June 6, 2007) editorial ‘‘‘Minorities’, but Who?’’ rightly asked: 
‘‘How many illegal Bangladeshis can be excluded from such an autonomous council 
as proposed by a legislator of Asom who, mind you, belongs to a party that came 
into being just after the repeal of the IM(DT) Act — a perverse immigration 
law, unique to ‘secular’ India, that was thrust on the people of Asom, and only 
Asom, to make room for scores of illegal Bangladeshis to come and permanently 
settle in the State?’’ It went on to add: ‘‘That the AUDF MLA from Dhubri 
should have the guts to assert his voice through the media for an autonomous 
council for the ‘minorities’, in a masterly stroke of ‘secular’ genius so as to 
also include linguistic groups that have nothing to do with that inglorious 
exclusivist theory, is nothing but a pointer to the days ahead of us. When the 
definition of ‘minorities’ is distorted in Asom, it serves the cause of illegal 
Bangladeshis (in Asom).’’ 
There may be many who would ask: ‘‘What is so unsettling about one particular 
AUDF MLA talking of an autonomous council for the minorities, whoever these 
minorities be? The AUDF has already made it clear that such a demand is not in 
the agenda of the party. So just dismiss the whole episode as something bygone 
or as maverick indulgence by a politician posing as the saviour of the 
minorities in Asom just to create a bit of sensation.’’ I have in mind the 
class of citizens in Asom and the country who would say so, and who would even 
rubbish the whole episode as paranoid reaction by a breed of Asomiyas not 
confident of sustaining themselves in their own right. To them — all of whom 
are wonderful practitioners of secular fundamentalism that ‘secular’ India is 
infamous for — the only advice should be that they try to look beyond the 
immediate so that they discover and realize the imminent. 
It is not a question of one particular AUDF MLA seeking to effect a change in 
the ‘‘minorities’’ discourse in Asom. It is not even a question of one 
particular political party — the AUDF — having to accommodate an MLA who was so 
categorical about, what can indeed be called, an anti-Asom ‘‘autonomy’’ design. 
So much so, it is not even a question of reaching out — giving pluralist Asom 
its due credit, as the MLA in question would perhaps explain — to the diverse 
fringe groups in the State in order to consolidate as a voice of assertion 
against the injustices of the day. What is it really, then? It is a question of 
the mindset of a class of people in Asom, evolving anew yet again, after having 
seen, and seen through, the twists and turns of Asom’s political course — right 
from the time when the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) launched a fiery 
six-year-long anti-foreigners agitation only to reinvent itself as a political 
force, the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), that ultimately
 wished away the very cause of that agitation. It is a question of a 
realization, then: that if the very sons of the soil can betray the soil, it 
will not be any betrayal if ‘‘others’’ do so. It is a question of confidence as 
well: that if a political party — the AUDF — that emerged out of the 
post-IM(DT) Act ‘vacuum’ in Asom and that could not be prevented from staging a 
remarkable show in the Assembly elections of 2006 despite its public bemoaning 
of the repeal of the IM(DT) Act, has had such appeal as to even charm the AGP 
(remember the political arithmetic centred around the last Assembly elections 
when the AGP and the AUDF were warming up to each other?), there cannot be any 
fetters around any of the AUDF’s legislators when it comes to extending the 
limits of political brinkmanship in the State; in fact, there is no such limit 
in today’s Asom that is being gradually annexed by the illegal hordes from 
Bangladesh, IM(DT) Act or no IM(DT) Act, who continue to be the
 prized political assets in the State. This fact of annexation of Asom is not 
just about reducing the Asomiyas to a minority in their own homeland, but is 
more about the unfolding of the unfinished agenda of Partition that the 
Government of India and the metropolitan media are yet to realize.
Next week, I shall begin by harping on the faultlines of Asom’s indigenous 
assertions — subnationalist, nationalist, armed, democratic, fringe and 
occasional — only to drive home the point that the unfinished agenda of 
Partition in Asom has had its basis on those aberrations as well, apart from 
the most visible and proven one — the ULFA’s ‘revolution’. We shall discover 
how the Asomiyas have allowed themselves to be defiled.
(The writer is the Consulting Editor of The Sentinel) 

Reply via email to