Two Families Named  McCain
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Candidate's Kin Share a  History With Descendants of  Slaves
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By  DOUGLAS A. BLACKMON

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TEOC,  Miss. -- Lillie McCain is watching the presidential campaign from a
singular  perspective.

A 56-year-old psychology professor whose family spans five  generations
from the enslavement of her great-great-from the enslavement of h
generation's fight for civil rights, Ms. McCain appreciates the  social
changes that have opened the way for Sen. Barack Obama to be the  first
major-party black contender for the White House.

WSJ's Douglas  Blackmon speaks with Charles McCain Jr. and his sister Mary
McCain Fluker,  descendants of slaves held at the Mississippi plantation
owned by the family  of Sen. John McCain's great-great-owned by the famil
16)

But she  also has an uncommon view on another American passage. Ms. McCain
and her  siblings are descended from two of about 120 slaves held before
the end of  the Civil War at Teoc, the Mississippi plantation owned by the
family of  Republican nominee John McCain's great-great-family of  

In a year  when the historic nature of Sen. Obama's candidacy is drawing
much comment,  the case of the Teoc McCains offers another quintessential
American narrative  in black and white. For the black McCain family, it is
a story of triumph  over the legacy of slavery; for the white McCains, it
is the evolution of a  19th-century cotton dynasty into one rooted in an
ethic of military and  national service.

"I think that since we can't undo what has been done,  that the most
effective thing for us to do is figure out how to put things  in
perspective and go from there," says Ms. McCain, who holds a doctorate  in
psychology and teaches at Mott Community College in Flint, Mich.  "To
harbor anger and hostility and all that is  counterproductive.h

To Sen. McCain, "How the Teoc descendants have  served their community
and, by extension, their country is a testament to the  power of family,
love, compassion and the human spirit." It is, he added, in  a statement
provided by a spokesman, "an example for all  citizens."

The McCains of Teoc

View Interactive

See family  trees of the black and white McCains of Teoc, Miss.

The black and white  McCain families have long acknowledged their shared
history at Teoc, a name  that applies to both the plantation and the
now-sparse community around it. A  cousin of the senator still owns 1,500
acres of the original 2,000. Sen.  McCain's younger brother, Joe, and
other white McCains have attended family  reunions organized by the
African-American McCains.

Lillie McCain's  family is descended from two slaves, named Isom and
Lettie, according to  interviews and examinations of family documents,
county files and U.S. Census  Bureau records. They remained closely
entwined with the white family for  decades after the Civil War, taking
its surname and living close by on land  rented from their former owners.
Lettie McCain's headstone is still visible  in an overgrown graveyard for
African-Americans not far from the ruins of the  last "big house" on the
Teoc plantation.

Two Families Named  McCainFabrizio Costantini for the Wall Street Journal

Lillie McCain's  family spans five generations from the enslavement of her
great-great  grandparents on the Mississippi Delta plantation, Teoc.

According to  members of the white McCain family, the plantation in rural
Carroll County,  Miss., was purchased by Sen. McCain's great-great
grandfather, William  Alexander McCain, in 1851, when many of the flat
vistas of the Mississippi  Delta region in the state's northwest corner
were still swampy wilderness.  After his death in 1863, his widow and a
brother, Nathaniel Henry McCain,  maintained the family's position among
Mississippi gentry.

William  Alexander McCain's son John Sidney McCain ran the plantation and
served in  local politics, including a term as county sheriff. A son of
his, also named  John Sidney McCain but known as "Slew," graduated from
the Naval Academy in  1906 and began a military life that would eventually
supplant the family's  long history as cotton barons. He became an admiral
and top naval officer  during World War II. His son, the third with the
same name but known as John  S. "Jack" McCain Jr., also rose to the rank
of admiral, in the Vietnam War  era -- while his own son, Sen. McCain, was
a Navy pilot and then a prisoner  of war.

Sen. McCain's family lived primarily on military installations  around the
world. But they remained attached to Teoc, visiting repeatedly  during
Sen. McCain's childhood, often for long periods. When they went to  the
farm in the 1940s and 1950s, the future Sen. McCain and his  brother
stayed in the rambling house, now abandoned, of their great-uncle,  Joe
McCain, who had become the plantation's owner.

Sen. McCain's  younger brother, also named Joe, said that though their
father "moved around  as the son of a naval officer, he too always thought
of Teoc as his 'blood  ground' and loved visiting there."

The McCains in the early 20th century  were known among African-Americans
for relatively equitable treatment of  their workers and tenants,
especially compared with the abuses happening on  many other farms. A
visitor to the plantation in 1923 published an account  that described "a
tradition and a policy of fair dealing between planter and  laborer."

"That's how I remember it," said Frank Bryant, 90, a black  former Teoc
sharecropper.

The 19th century had been a different story  for African-Americans in
Carroll County. In 1886, after two black men filed a  lawsuit against a
white man, a white mob rushed the courthouse and murdered  more than 20
blacks there, according to court documents and newspaper  accounts at the
time. They weren't prosecuted.

Earlier still, just  after the Civil War, Sen. McCain's ancestors, like
many former slave owners,  made use of newly passed laws designed to
temporarily force some freed slaves  back into the control of their former
masters. Records in a dusty storage  room in the Carroll County courthouse
show that in February 1866, Sen.  McCain's great-great-show that in Februa
McCain, and her brother-in-law  Nathaniel filed petitions to take legal
custody of three girls under age 15  whom the McCains had owned before
emancipation. In court, the girls were  identified with the surname
"Freedman," a common practice with emancipated  slaves.

There is no record of the full circumstances, but thousands of  young
African-Americans at that time were forced under such claims to return  to
their onetime masters as apprentices. Those apprentice laws in the  South
were later struck down.

Once freedom was clearly established,  two black McCain families remained
close to the former owners. One family was  led by the former slave Isom
McCain, who was 34 at the end of the Civil War,  and the other by
Henderson McCain, a 16-year-old at the time of emancipation,  according to
census records. They raised large families in rented houses next  door to
each other at Teoc.

The black McCains of today were raised to  believe that they were blood
relatives of the white McCains, dating back to  slavery times. White
McCains say they're unaware of any biological connection  between the
families. A spokesman for Sen. McCain declined to  comment.

Two Families Named McCainFabrizio Costantini for the Wall Street  Journal

COMMON GROUND: Lillie McCain's great-great-COMMON GROUND: Lillie McCain's
on a plantation owned by Sen. McCain's  great-great-on a plantat

In the 1880s and 1890s, Henderson McCain  and later Isom's son, Harry,
became trustees of a tiny school for black  children, according to records
found by a local genealogist, Susie James. In  1922, blacks at Teoc built
a four-room schoolhouse with $1,750 they scraped  together and $900 from a
philanthropy that was helping blacks build schools  across the South, the
Rosenwald Fund.

Most of the descendants of  Henderson McCain left Teoc in the 1950s.
Isom's son Harry had a boy in 1885  named Weston. He saved enough to buy a
small parcel of farmland.

"He  didn't want to be dependent on white people, or needing white
people," says  Lillie McCain, who is his granddaughter. "He thought it was
important to own  land. He used to say, 'Everybody ought to have some
dirt.'"

Weston  McCain's oldest son was Charles W. McCain, who lived from 1916 to
2000. After  serving in the Army in France during World War II, he
returned to Carroll  County and, along with a cousin, bought 160 acres of
land.

By then,  the black McCains were emerging among the county's most
important leaders.  Charles McCain was a central figure in the local
chapter of the National  Association for the Advancement of Colored
People. When civil-rights workers  swarmed Mississippi in 1964, the black
McCains housed white activists and  received bomb threats and harassing
calls.

"Daddy didn't want us to  roll over and play dead or live as if you are
not a person," says Lillie  McCain. Her sister Mary McCain Fluker, 53,
says their father "would always  tell us you are just as good as anybody.
'You are no better than anybody,'  he'd tell us, 'but you're just as good
as anybody.'"

Civil-rights  organizers held secret meetings at the family's church just
off the Teoc  plantation. The Mississippi Sovereignty Commission, a state
agency formed to  thwart the civil-rights movement, kept tabs on Mr.
McCain, according to  commission records. "Daddy was one of the leaders,
one of the people out  front," says 60-year-old Charles McCain Jr., a
retired brick mason and  teacher who still lives on the family land.

Lillie McCain remembers  seeing Martin Luther King Jr. speak from the back
of a flatbed truck in  nearby Greenwood. She and her two brothers were
arrested at a march in  Jackson, Miss., organized by the Student
Non-Violent Coordinating Committee,  whose leader, Stokely Carmichael,
introduced the phrase "black power." Not  long after Mr. Carmichael spoke
at the McCains' church, it burned down,  during a wave of Ku Klux Klan
firebombings. The McCain children remember  passing its smoking remains on
their way to school the next day.

Amid  those events, the black McCain children wondered what must be wrong
with  white people. "I was thinking, 'How can they kill people and they
all go to  church?'" says Lillie McCain. "I was just baffled by that."

Sen. McCain  grew to adulthood largely unaware of his family's ties to
slavery. In a  statement, he called the abuses of African-Americans in the
20th century "a  dark and tragic chapter in American history" and said
that "cultivating the  bond between the two families...is important."

In the late 1960s, black  McCain children were among those who integrated
the previously all-white  schools in the county seat, Carrollton. In 1969,
Lillie McCain was one of the  first two African-Americans to graduate from
the integrated high school. Four  of the six McCain children in her family
served in the military and all six  earned college degrees.

Lillie McCain earned a Ph.D. in psychology from  Wayne State University in
Detroit. Her sister Mrs. Fluker retired after a  career as
special-education teacher in the public schools from which she once  was
barred. Joyce McCain became a production executive at General  Motors.
Delbra McCain Roberts became a registered nurse. Charles Jr.  taught
bricklaying in the high school. The eldest child, George, became  the
first black fire chief in the town of Greenwood. Lillie and all of  her
siblings say they support Sen. Obama for president.

When George  McCain was killed in a traffic accident in 2003, Frank
Bryant, the aged  former sharecropper, invited to the funeral Bill McCain,
the senator's  cousin, who owns the remaining 1,500 acres of Teoc
plantation and lives  nearby. It was the beginning of a modern dialogue
between the two families as  equals. At the service, Mr. McCain stood in
the family section with the black  McCains.

Write to Douglas A. Blackmon at [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
(mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]) 

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