Here is the full text of the speech I pulled the quote from....
JDG
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2001/06/20010615-1.html
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>THE WHITE HOUSE
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>Office of the Press Secretary
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>(Warsaw, Poland)
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>For Immediate Release June 15, 2001
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>REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
>IN ADDRESS TO FACULTY AND STUDENTS
>OF WARSAW UNIVERSITY
>
>Warsaw University
>Warsaw, Poland
>
>
>Listen to the President's Remarks
>
>5:45 P.M. (L)
>
>
> THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Mr.
>President, thank you very much for your gracious
>hospitality that you and your wife have shown Laura
>and me. Mr. Prime Minister, members of the
>government, distinguished members of the clergy,
>distinguished citizens, and this important friend of
>America, students, Mr. Rector, than you very much for
>your warm greeting.
>
> It's a great honor for me to visit this great
>city -- a city that breathes with confidence,
>creativity and success of modern Poland.
>
> Like all nations, Poland still faces challenges.
>But I am confident you'll meet them with the same
>optimistic spirit a visitor feels on Warsaw's streets
>and sees in the city's fast-changing skyline. We find
>evidence of this energy and enterprise surrounding us
>right now in this magnificent building. And you can
>hear it in the air. Today's own -- Poland's orchestra
>called Golec's -- (laughter and applause) -- is
>telling the world, "on that wheat field, I'm gonna
>build my San Francisco; over that molehill, I'm gonna
>build my bank." (Laughter and applause.)
>
> Americans recognize that kind of optimism and
>ambition -- because we share it. We are linked to
>Poland by culture and heritage, kinship and common
>values.
>
> Polish glass makers built and operated the New
>World's first factory in Jamestown, Virginia in 1608.
>Seeking the right to vote, those same Poles also
>staged the New World's first labor strike. They
>succeeded. (Laughter.) It seems the Poles have been
>keeping the world honest for a long period of time.
>
> Some of the most courageous moments of the 20th
>century took place in this nation. Here, in 1943, the
>world saw the heroic effort and revolt of the Warsaw
>Ghetto; a year later, the 63 days of the Warsaw
>Uprising; and then the reduction of this city to
>rubble because it chose to resist evil.
>
> Here communism was humbled by the largest
>citizens' movement in history, and by the iron purpose
>and moral vision of a single man: Pope John Paul II.
>Here Polish workers, led by an electrician from
>Gdansk, made the sparks that would electrify half a
>continent. Poland revealed to the world that its
>Soviet rulers, however brutal and powerful, were
>ultimately defenseless against determined men and
>women armed only with their conscience and their
>faith.
>
> Here you have proven that communism need not be
>followed by chaos, that great oppression can end in
>true reconciliation, and that the promise of freedom
>is stronger than the habit of fear.
>
> In all these events, we have seen the character
>of the Polish people, and the hand of God in your
>history. Modern Poland is just beginning to
>contribute to the wealth of Europe -- yet, for
>decades, you have contributed to Europe's soul and
>spiritual strength. And all who believe in the power
>of conscience and culture are in your debt.
>
> Today, I have come to the center of Europe to
>speak of the future of Europe. Some still call this
>"the East" -- but Warsaw is closer to Ireland than it
>is to the Urals. And it is time to put talk of East
>and West behind us.
>
> Yalta did not ratify a natural divide, it divided
>a living civilization. The partition of Europe was
>not a fact of geography, it was an act of violence.
>And wise leaders for decades have found the hope of
>European peace in the hope of greater unity. In the
>same speech that described an "iron curtain," Winston
>Churchill called for "a new unity in Europe, from
>which no nation should be permanently outcast."
>
> Consider how far we have come since that speech.
>Through trenches and shell-fire, through death camps
>and bombed-out cities, through gulags and food lines
>men and women have dreamed of what my father called a
>Europe "whole and free." This free Europe is no
>longer a dream. It is the Europe that is rising
>around us. It is the work that you and I are called
>on to complete.
>
> We can build an open Europe -- a Europe without
>Hitler and Stalin, without Brezhnev and Honecker and
>Ceaucescu and, yes, without Milosevic.
>
> Our goal is to erase the false lines -- our goal
>is to erase the false lines that have divided Europe
>for too long. The future of every European nation
>must be determined by the progress of internal reform,
>not the interests of outside powers. Every European
>nation that struggles toward democracy and free
>markets and a strong civic culture must be welcomed
>into Europe's home.
>
> All of Europe's new democracies, from the Baltic
>to the Black Sea and all that lie between, should have
>the same chance for security and freedom -- and the
>same chance to join the institutions of Europe -- as
>Europe's old democracies have.
>
> I believe in NATO membership for all of Europe's
>democracies that seek it and are ready to share the
>responsibilities that NATO brings. (Applause.) The
>question of "when" may still be up for debate within
>NATO; the question of "whether" should not be. As we
>plan to enlarge NATO, no nation should be used as a
>pawn in the agendas of others. We will not trade away
>the fate of free European peoples. No more Munichs.
>No more Yaltas. (Applause.) Let us tell all those
>who have struggled to build democracy and free markets
>what we have told the Poles: from now on, what you
>build, you keep. No one can take away your freedom or
>your country. (Applause.)
>
> Next year, NATO's leaders will meet in Prague.
>The United States will be prepared to make concrete,
>historic decisions with its allies to advance NATO
>enlargement. Poland and America share a vision. As
>we plan the Prague Summit, we should not calculate how
>little we can get away with, but how much we can do to
>advance the cause of freedom. (Applause.)
>
> The expansion of NATO has fulfilled NATO's
>promise. And that promise now leads eastward and
>southward, northward and onward.
>
> I want to thank Poland for acting as a bridge to
>the new democracies of Europe, and a champion of the
>interests and security of your neighbors, such as the
>Baltic states, Ukraine, Slovakia. You are making real
>the words: "For your freedom and ours."
>
> All nations should understand that there is no
>conflict between membership in NATO and membership in
>the European Union. My nation welcomes the
>consolidation of European unity, and the stability it
>brings. We welcome a greater role for the EU in
>European security, properly integrated with NATO. We
>welcome the incentive for reform that the hope of EU
>membership creates. We welcome a Europe that is truly
>united, truly democratic, and truly diverse -- a
>collection of peoples and nations bound together in
>purpose and respect, and faithful to their own roots.
>
> The most basic commitments of NATO and the
>European Union are similar: democracy, free markets,
>and common security. And all in Europe and America
>understand the central lesson of the century past.
>When Europe and America are divided, history tends to
>tragedy. When Europe and America are partners, no
>trouble or tyranny can stand against us.
>
> Our vision of Europe must also include the
>Balkans. Unlike the people of Poland, many people and
>leaders in Southeast Europe made the wrong choices in
>the last decade. There, communism fell, but dictators
>exploited a murderous nationalism to cling to power
>and to conquer new land. Twice NATO had to intervene
>militarily to stop the killing and defend the values
>that define a new Europe.
>
> Today, instability remains and there are still
>those who seek to undermine the fragile peace that
>holds. We condemn those, like the sponsors of
>violence in Macedonia, who seek to subvert democracy.
>But we've made progress. We see democratic change in
>Zagreb and Belgrade; moderate governments in Bosnia;
>multi-ethnic police in Kosovo; the end to violence in
>southern Serbia. For the first time in history, all
>governments in the region are democratic, committed to
>cooperating with one another, and predisposed to join
>Europe.
>
> Across the region, nations are yearning to be a
>part of Europe. The burdens -- and benefits -- of
>satisfying that yearning will naturally fall most
>heavily on Europe, itself. That is why I welcome
>Europe's commitment to play a leading role in the
>stabilization of Southeastern Europe. Countries other
>than the United States already provide over 80 percent
>of the NATO-led forces in the region. But I know that
>America's role is important, and we will meet our
>obligations. We went into the Balkans together, and
>we will come out together. And our goal must be to
>hasten the arrival of that day. (Applause.)
>
> The Europe we are building must include Ukraine,
>a nation struggling with the trauma of transition.
>Some in Kiev speak of their country's European
>destiny. If this is their aspiration, we should
>reward it. We must extend our hand to Ukraine, as
>Poland has already done with such determination.
>
> The Europe we are building must also be open to
>Russia. We have a stake in Russia's success -- and we
>look for the day when Russia is fully reformed, fully
>democratic and closely bound to the rest of Europe.
>Europe's great institutions -- NATO and the European
>Union -- can and should build partnerships with Russia
>and with all the countries that have emerged from the
>wreckage of the former Soviet Union.
>
> Tomorrow, I will see President Putin, and express
>my hopes for a Russia that is truly great -- a
>greatness measured by the strength of its democracy,
>the good treatment of minorities and the achievements
>of its people.
>
> I will express to President Putin that Russia is
>part of Europe and, therefore, does not need a buffer
>zone of insecure states separating it from Europe.
>NATO, even as it grows, is no enemy of Russia. Poland
>is no enemy of Russia. America is no enemy of Russia.
> (Applause.) We will seek a constructive relationship
>with Russia, for the benefit of all our peoples.
>
> I will make the case, as I have to all the
>European leaders I have met on this trip, that the
>basis for our mutual security must move beyond Cold
>War doctrines. Today, we face growing threats from
>weapons of mass destruction and missiles in the hands
>of states for whom terror and blackmail are a way of
>life. So we must have a broad strategy of active
>non-proliferation; counter-proliferation; and a new
>concept of deterrence that includes defenses
>sufficient to protect our people, our forces, and our
>allies; as well as reduced reliance on nuclear
>weapons.
>
> And, finally, I'll make clear to President Putin
>that the path to greater prosperity and greater
>security lies in greater freedom. The 20th century
>has taught us that only freedom gets the highest
>service from every citizen -- citizens who can
>publish, citizens who can worship, citizens who can
>organize for themselves -- without fear of
>intimidation, and with the full protection of the law.
>
>
> This, after all, is the true source of European
>unity. Ultimately, it's more than the unity of
>markets. It is more than the unity of interests. It
>is a unity of values.
>
> Through a hard history, with all its precedents
>of pain, Europe has come to believe in the dignity of
>every individual: in social freedom, tempered by
>moral restraint; in economic liberty, balanced with
>humane values.
>
> "The revolutions of 1989," said Pope John Paul
>II, "were made possible by the commitment of brave men
>and women inspired by a different, and ultimately more
>profound and powerful, vision: the vision of man as a
>creature of intelligence and free will, immersed in a
>mystery which transcends his own being and endowed
>with the ability to reflect and the ability to choose
>-- and thus capable of wisdom and virtue."
>
> This belief successfully challenged communism.
>It challenges materialism in all its forms. Just as
>man cannot be reduced to a means of production, he
>must find goals greater than mere consumption. The
>European ideal is inconsistent with a life defined by
>gain and greed and the lonely pursuit of self. It
>calls for consideration and respect, compassion and
>forgiveness -- the habits of character on which the
>exercise of freedom depends.
>
> And all these duties, and all these rights are
>ultimately traced to a source of law and justice above
>our wills and beyond our politics -- an author of our
>dignity, who calls us to act worthy of our dignity.
>
> This belief is more than a memory, it is a living
>faith. And it is the main reason Europe and America
>will never be separated. We are products of the same
>history, reaching from Jerusalem and Athens to Warsaw
>and Washington. We share more than an alliance. We
>share a civilization. Its values are universal, and
>they pervade our history and our partnership in a
>unique way.
>
> These trans-Atlantic ties could not be severed by
>U-boats. They could not be cut by checkpoints and
>barbed wire. They were not ended by SS-20s and
>nuclear blackmail. And they certainly will not be
>broken by commercial quarrels and political debates.
>America will not permit it. Poland will not allow it.
> (Applause.)
>
> This unity of values and aspiration calls us to
>new tasks. Those who have benefitted and prospered
>most from the commitment to freedom and openness have
>an obligation to help others that are seeking their
>way along that path. That is why our trans-Atlantic
>community must have priorities beyond the
>consolidation of European peace.
>
> We must bring peace and health to Africa -- a
>neighbor to Europe, a heritage to many Americans, a
>continent in crisis, and a place of enormous
>potential. We must work together to shut down the
>arms trafficking that fuels Africa's wars; fight the
>spread of AIDS that may make 40 million children into
>orphans; and help all of Africa share in the trade and
>promise of the modern world.
>
> We must work toward a world that trades in
>freedom -- a world where prosperity is available to
>all through the power of markets; a world where open
>trade spurs the process of economic and legal reform;
>a world of cooperation to enhance prosperity, protect
>the environment, and lift the quality of life for all.
>
>
> We must confront the shared security threats of
>regimes that thrive by creating instability, that are
>ambitious for weapons of mass destruction, and are
>dangerously unpredictable. In Europe, you're closer
>to these challenges than the United States. You see
>the lightning well before we hear the thunder. Only
>together, however, can we confront the emerging
>threats of a changing world.
>
> Fifty years ago, all Europe looked to the United
>States for help. Ten years ago, Poland did, as well.
>Now, we and others can only go forward together. The
>question no longer is what others can do for Poland,
>but what America and Poland and all of Europe can do
>for the rest of the world. (Applause.)
>
> In the early 1940s, Winston Churchill saw beyond
>a world war and a Cold War to a greater project: "Let
>the great cities of Warsaw and Prague and Vienna
>banish despair even in the midst of their agony," he
>said. "Their liberation is sure. The day will come
>when the joy bells will ring again throughout Europe,
>and when victorious nations, masters not only of their
>foes but of themselves, will plan and build in
>justice, in tradition, and in freedom a house of many
>mansions where there will be room for all."
>
> To his contemporaries who lived in a Europe of
>division and violence, this vision must have seemed
>unimaginable. Yet, our fathers -- yours and mine --
>struggled and sacrificed to make this vision real.
>Now it is within our grasp. Today, a new generation
>makes a new commitment: a Europe and an America bound
>in a great alliance of liberty -- history's greatest
>united force for peace and progress and human dignity.
> The bells of victory have rung. The Iron Curtain is
>no more. Now, we plan and build the house of freedom
>-- whose doors are open to all of Europe's peoples and
>whose windows look out to global challenges beyond.
>Our progress is great, our goals are large, and our
>differences, in comparison, are small. (Applause.)
>And America, in calm and in crisis, will honor this
>vision and the values we share.
>
> Poland, in so many ways, is a symbol of renewal
>and common purpose. More than half a century ago, from
>this spot, all one could see was a desert of ruins.
>Hardly did a single unbroken brick touch another.
>This city had been razed by the Nazis and betrayed by
>the Soviets. Its people were mostly displaced.
>
> Not far from here is the only monument which
>survived. It is the figure of Christ falling under
>the cross and struggling to rise. Under him are
>written the words: "Sursum corda" -- "lift up your
>hearts."
>
> From the determination in Polish hearts, Warsaw
>did rise again, brick by brick. Poland has regained
>its rightful place at the heart of a new Europe and is
>helping other nations to find their own.
>
> "Lift up your hearts" is the story of Poland.
>"Lift up your hearts" is the story of a new Europe.
>And, together, let us raise this hope of freedom for
>all who seek it in our world.
>
> God bless. (Applause.)
>
>
> END 6:11 P.M. (L)
__________________________________________________________
John D. Giorgis - [EMAIL PROTECTED] - ICQ #3527685
We are products of the same history, reaching from Jerusalem and
Athens to Warsaw and Washington. We share more than an alliance.
We share a civilization. - George W. Bush, Warsaw, 06/15/01
