http://story.news.yahoo.com/news?tmpl=story2&cid=676&ncid=716&e=22&u=/usatod
ay/20030120/ts_usatoday/4792472

Eight years after wresting control of the House of Representatives, the
party that waged the ''Republican Revolution'' has become somewhat less
revolutionary.


House Republicans have grown less enamored with term limits. They have
reversed some ethics reforms and rules aimed at budget discipline. Their
leaders have tightened their grip on power.


As they begin their fifth two-year congressional session in control of the
House, some of the practices Republicans attacked in 1994 after 40 years of
Democratic rule don't seem so bad to them after all.


''Republicans have gone native,'' says Ross Baker, a political scientist at
Rutgers University in New Jersey. ''They've got a raging case of Potomac
Fever. Having won the battle, they don't want to relinquish power.''


The clearest example of that came in the opening moments of the 108th
Congress this month. House Republicans forced through nearly 30 rules
changes, many of which eased tight restrictions they imposed on themselves
in 1994. Among the casualties was the eight-year term limit imposed on the
House speaker when Newt Gingrich, the revolution's leader, held the job.
Now, House Speaker Dennis Hastert of Illinois can serve indefinitely.


Longtime Congress-watchers aren't surprised that Republicans are doing
things they once condemned. ''They are coming around to the realization that
that's what majorities do,'' says Norman Ornstein, a congressional expert at
the American Enterprise Institute. ''They were naive.''


Many of the original authors of the GOP's ''Contract with America'' platform
in 1994, including Gingrich and his top deputy, Dick Armey, have left
office. Gingrich could not be reached for comment. Those who remain feel
empowered by November's elections, when Republicans won a Senate majority
and widened their House edge.


''It's hard to continue to revolt when you're in charge,'' says Rep. Deborah
Pryce of Ohio, head of the House Republican Conference.


Many of the policy goals of the revolution -- cutting taxes, for example --
remain part of the GOP agenda. But there are signs that in other areas the
revolution is waning:


* Term limits. Many of the Republicans elected in 1994 pledged to limit
their time in office, most often to six years. But they failed to pass a
constitutional amendment to limit congressional terms, and in recent years,
many Republicans have discarded the notion that the country needs ''citizen
lawmakers.''


At least 10 current House Republicans have reneged on term-limit pledges.
Among them: George Nethercutt of Washington state, who unseated Speaker Tom
Foley, D-Wash., with a vow to limit himself to three terms. Nethercutt is
now in his fifth term.


Republicans are demonstrating ''a belief that they are going to stay in the
majority,'' says Thomas Mann, a political analyst at the Brookings
Institution think tank. ''They have to think less as revolutionaries and
more as a party capable of drawing on experience and leadership to reach
objectives.''


In one of their first orders of business after taking control, House
Republicans voted to limit the speaker's term to eight years and committee
chairs to six years. Pryce calls the speaker's term limit ''a 'Newt-ism.' It
was not part of the Contract with America.''


Stacie Rumenap, executive director of U.S. Term Limits, an advocacy group,
says the change shows that Republicans have ''become part of the insider
system.''


The limit on committee chairmanships remains. However, leaders made an
exception for Rep. Porter Goss, R-Fla., who was allowed to continue as head
of the Intelligence Committee beyond his six-year limit.


* Ethics rules. Strict ethics rules imposed in 1995 have been eased. A new,
so-called pizza rule makes it easier for lobbyists to deliver food to
congressional offices. It gets around a $50 gift limit set by Republicans
five years ago, when they relaxed an earlier rule forbidding all gifts, by
allocating the value of the food against the gift limits of all who eat it.


A second change reverses a 1995 rule that discouraged lawmakers from
attending charitable events at resorts. Republicans had assailed those trips
as free vacations. Junkets that lobbyists pay for are still forbidden.


Armey, now with the advocacy group Citizens for a Sound Economy, jokes that
the travel change ''can be put down to the commitment, energy and zeal of
the golfers' caucus.''

Matt Keller, legislative director of the watchdog group Common Cause,
predicts the rules changes will presage other Republican moves to loosen
ethics rules and consolidate power. ''They've been chomping at the bit,'' he
says. ''You're going to see extreme arrogance on display . . . the same
thing that brought down the Democrats.''

Pryce calls the changes ''fine-tuning'' but agrees they could be seen as
hypocritical. ''Some might say lessons have been learned,'' she says. ''Not
all the things (the Democrats) did was wrong.''

Among them, apparently, are rules that make it harder for the minority party
to propose alternative legislation or move its own bills. The new rules
include changes that will strengthen the majority party's power to control
the policy agenda.

* Balanced budget. Republicans cited an ''out-of-control'' Democratic-led
Congress in their 1995 call for a balanced budget amendment to the
Constitution. But the war on terrorism and President Bush's deep tax cuts
have silenced the GOP on the issue of deficit spending.

Last week, Republicans reinstated a rule scrapped in 2001, when the federal
government was running a budget surplus. The rule allows the House to raise
the limit on the $6.4 trillion public debt without holding a separate, and
potentially embarrassing, vote.

''We find ourselves in very unusual times. A time of war, a recession,''
Pryce says. ''There was a decision to take that one back.''

Rep. Martin Frost of Texas, the top Democrat on the House Rules Committee,
says he knows why. ''Now they've decided the ways Democrats were doing
things when we were in control is OK,'' he says. ''They want the perks back.
The revolution has grown old.''


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