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The EU is utterly godless. Let's keep it that way 

Its secular values are inclusive, focusing on those ideals the majority
agree on, not what divides us Joan Smith 
23 January 2003


Should God have an official role in Europe? It may seem a strange
question in a world where church attendance and traditional forms of
Christian belief are in decline. Yet a movement whose aim is to include
explicit references to God in future European treaties is gathering pace,
with the support of Anglican bishops and the Vatican. And it has been
given a boost by the prospect of Poland, with its largely Roman Catholic
population, joining the EU in 2004.

Until now, debates about the role of religion in the EU have centred on
the admission of Turkey, a secular state with an overwhelmingly Islamic
population. Some European politicians are anxious about the inclusion of
a country in which religion plays such a large part, and moves by the
Anglican and Catholic churches to include elements of the Polish
constitution � which explicitly recognises God � in future treaties are
bound to be seized on as evidence of a plot to give Christianity a
privileged place in the EU. The extent to which churches are working to
this end has emerged only in the last month.

Last week the Vatican received a delegation from a lay group, Christians
for Europe, whose aim is to have Christianity mentioned in the European
constitution being drawn up under the aegis of Val�ry Giscard d'Estaing.
Archbishop Jean-Louis Tauran, the Vatican secretary of relations with
states, urged the group to co-operate with other Christian faiths and to
work in European countries where "de-Christianisation or militant laicism
is very strong".

Christians for Europe has influential support at the top of the EU, with
Romano Prodi, President of the European Commission, recently writing a
letter in support of their work. What they and other Christian
organisations are arguing for is a clause in the preamble to the EU
constitution that would recognise "the values of those who believe in God
as the source of truth, justice, good and beauty as well as of those who
do not share such a belief but respect these universal values arising
from other sources".

However anodyne this sounds, its underlying intentions � an attempt to
halt the spread of secularism and to reinstate God at the heart of Europe
� are clear. Supporters are careful not to mention Christianity too
openly, but references to Europe's religious inheritance � which is
undeniably Christian � give the game away.

In a House of Lords debate two weeks ago, for example, Baroness Hooper
argued that an absence of any reference to churches or religious
communities in the new constitution "would create a vacuum, given their
real significance to society as a whole, to the values and identities on
which society is based and to the Union's relationship to its citizens".
She also spoke about "the religious heritage of Europe as essential
elements of European identity", which clearly has very little to do with
other faiths such as Islam or Hinduism.

In the same debate, Christopher Herbert, the Bishop of St Albans, said
that his experience of European institutions "is that God is simply
discounted and denied � 'Laicity rules OK' � and that secularist
ideologies of governance are becoming stridently and assertively
exclusive". He also complained that Europe's political architecture
"wilfully denies the possibility of God" as well as "beliefs about human
dignity and worth and purpose that have helped to shape Europe for the
best part of 2,000 years".

The problem is that many people who live in EU countries either do not
believe in God or are agnostic. They would argue that Christianity's role
in politics has been bitterly divisive, both in Europe itself � where
Protestants and Catholics spent years tearing at each others' throats �
and in terms of its relations with the Islamic world. And while some
Muslims might welcome a non-specific religious clause in the new
constitution, they are hardly likely to share the bishop's benign view of
Christianity in the last two millennia, which encompasses the Crusades.

But the argument about whether to include religion in the EU constitution
goes beyond questions of history. It is also about the role of
Christianity in societies where many people � a minority, but a very
significant one � neither believe in God nor wish to see a belief in
supernatural beings given official status. This is not an attempt to deny
anyone religious freedom, which is already (and rightly) enshrined in
various European conventions and treaties, but to argue that
institutionalising religion in this way is both unnecessary and
offensive.

For while there are many values on which believers and non-believers can
agree � democracy, freedom of expression, freedom from torture and other
degrading treatment � it is not the case that all elements of Christian
morality are either universal or uncontentious. The churches' teachings
on contraception, abortion and homosexuality are unacceptable to many of
us, who would like to see religious thinkers have less influence, not
more, on matters of social policy.

That is why the EU's secular values, which create a balance between the
rights of believers and non-believers, must be defended. They are
inclusive, focusing on those ideals the vast majority of us agree on,
instead of what divides us. It would be madness at this point in history,
when religion is as disruptive a force as it ever was, to create an
unnecessary dispute within the EU about the existence or otherwise of
God. 


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