<http://www.commondreams.org/views03/0919-14.htm>

Might Bush's Blank Check for War Bounce If He Deceived Congress?  
by Thom Hartmann 
  
On Tuesday, September 16, 2003, George W. Bush said what virtually every
other senior member of his administration had been going out of their way
to refute. 

"We've had no evidence," he told CNN's John King, "that Saddam Hussein
was involved with the September the eleventh. No." 

This came as a shock to the 70 percent of Americans who support the
invasion and occupation of Iraq because they believed Saddam was a
mastermind of 9/11 or that Iraqis were among the pilots who hijacked our
planes. 

But the bigger shock may be to members of Congress, who, hearing that,
may now conclude that Bush just admitted he had explicitly misled them. 

It started in the months leading up to the 2002 elections. In many parts
of the nation Democrats were doing well in the polls, and it looked like
Republicans may lose control of the House along with the Senate control
they'd lost earlier when Jim Jeffords left the party in disgust. 

An October Surprise was needed to turn 9/11 into a partisan issue the
Republicans could exploit, some partisans suggest, so congressional
allies of the Bush Administration trotted out Public Law 107-243, "A
Joint Resolution to authorize the use of United States Armed Forces
against Iraq." 

The law specified that: 


"Whereas Iraq both poses a continuing threat to the national security of
the United States...by, among other things, continuing to possess and
develop a significant chemical and biological weapons capability,
actively seeking a nuclear weapons capability, and supporting and
harboring terrorist organizations. ..."

"Whereas members of al Qaida, an organization bearing responsibility for
attacks on the United States, its citizens, and interests, including the
attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, are known to be in Iraq;

"Whereas Iraq continues to aid and harbor other international terrorist
organizations, including organizations that threaten the lives and safety
of United States citizens;

"Whereas the attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001,
underscored the gravity of the threat posed by the acquisition of weapons
of mass destruction by international terrorist organizations;

"... the risk that the current Iraqi regime will either employ those
weapons to launch a surprise attack against the United States ... and the
extreme magnitude of harm that would result to the United States and its
citizens from such an attack, combine to justify action by the United
States to defend itself;...

"Whereas Congress has taken steps to pursue vigorously the war on
terrorism ... requested by the President to take the necessary actions
against international terrorists and terrorist organizations, including
those nations, organizations, or persons who planned, authorized,
committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11,
2001, or harbored such persons or organizations;..." that the President
could use force against the perpetrators of terrorism, implicitly, of
9/11. 

Thus, the President was given a blank check to "defend the national
security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by
Iraq;" a nation whose Air Force had been destroyed and who UN inspectors
had just said was almost certainly lacking any major (WMD) offensive or
defensive weapons. 

The law further required that Bush notify the Speaker of the House and
the President of the Senate (the Vice President of the U.S.) before
exercising the war powers that were being handed him, and to justify his
actions at that time. 

The passage of Public Law 107-243 on October 16, 2002 caused a national
uproar, and enabled the Republicans to paint the Democrats as war-wimps,
weak on defense, and only grudgingly willing to go along with efforts to
get the guy who, as Public Law 107-243 said, "aided the terrorist attacks
that occurred on September 11, 2001..." 

It was one of Karl Rove's shining moments: the Republicans swept the
elections a month later. The corporate aristocracy was on the move,
quickly staking out more and more of the public commons of America as its
own territory. 

By March 2003, however, things were starting to turn against the
Republicans again. Dick Cheney was under investigation for Halliburton
dealings, and on March 5th an FBI agent who said the Bush administration
had thwarted his efforts to investigate 9/11 made the headlines by
refusing to speak out on TV "for fear of his job" according to Judicial
Watch, who represented him. 

On March 9th, Reuters reported that Halliburton had been awarded a
contract to fight oil well fires in Iraq. On March 11th, a GOP consultant
was named in an Enron investigation. On March 12th the Washington Post
revealed that GOP consultant Ralph Reed had received $300,000 from Enron
before its collapse; and the same day saw the Inquirer newspaper in
London drop a bombshell that, "[Halliburton] payments, which appear on
Mr. Cheney's 2001 financial disclosure statement, are in the form of
'deferred compensation' of up to $1m a year." 

Things weren't going well. 

On March 18th, George W. Bush wrote to the Speaker of the House (Hastert)
and the President of the Senate (Cheney) invoking the powers granted him
by Public Law 107-243. Initiating the invasion of Iraq, he wrote: 

"...I determine that:... [Declaring war on Iraq and] acting pursuant to
the Constitution and Public Law 107-243 is consistent with the United
States and other countries continuing to take the necessary actions
against international terrorists and terrorist organizations, including
those nations, organizations, or persons who planned, authorized,
committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11,
2001." 

Thus the invasion of Iraq and seizure of its oil fields, was, according
to George W. Bush, legally justified by 9/11. 

But now he says there's no connection between Iraq and 9/11. 

Which will inevitably raise the question for many in Congress: Did George
Bush deceive them and the nation in October of 2002 and March of 2003,
and, in response to a reporter's question, inadvertently blurt out an
admission of that deception on September 16, 2003? 

And, if so, how will Congress respond? 
 

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