On Sat, 15 Jan 2005 19:16:59 -0600, Dan Minette
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> 
> What?  This list isn't your number one priority?  I'm shocked, shocked. :-)

I was supposed to be doing something else this afternoon and evening
but ended up on list and web surfing.


A QUESTION OF NUMBERS

Like other pension systems, Social Security was designed to replace a
fixed portion of a retiree's previous earnings. For a single person
with average earnings, initial benefits were intended to replace about
40 percent of income. They are still pegged to 40 percent of income.

Since wages generally rise faster than inflation, retirees in each
generation get more in real dollars than those in previous ones.
Contemporary critics, like Kasich and the Bush council, would slow the
rate of future increases by linking benefits only to inflation. Though
this would save a lot of money, its effect on retirees should be
understood.

Seniors now get an initial benefit that is tied to a fixed portion of
their pre-retirement wages. If the index was changed, their pensions
would be pegged to a fixed portion of a previous generation's income.
If this standard had been in force since the beginning, retirees today
would be living like those in the 1940's -- like Ida Fuller, which
would mean $300 a month in today's dollars, as opposed to roughly
$1,200 a month.

One way or another, societies with more old people have to devote more
resources to them. Right now, benefits amount to 4.3 percent of G.D.P.
The trustees' most likely projection assumes that over the next 75
years that figure will rise to 6.6 percent. In the more optimistic
case, benefits will rise to 5.2 percent. Given the substantial
increase in the elderly population, neither of these figures seems
rash or out of proportion. The increased cost would be on a par with
that of making Bush's first-term tax cuts permanent, which is
projected to be about 2 percent of G.D.P. ..

Ultimately, every 75-year forecast is just a guess, and therefore
every approach must accommodate a range of possible outcomes. Plans
that link worker benefits to the stock market automatically adjust --
if the economy underperforms, then workers get lower benefits. This
enhances, rather than mitigates, whatever is the trend in people's
private savings. As Thompson says, ''The default adjustment is you eat
less.'' This could be brutal and also unfair, especially to the
post-1983 generation of workers that, on the say-so of Greenspan and
Reagan that the trust fund would be honored, has paid a sacrifice in
both reduced benefits and higher taxes.
[A very good point.]

What other solution is there? Ball, who joined the system in 1939 as a
$1,620-a-year district officer in Newark, has thought of one. He
starts from two premises: it would be reckless not to make some
adjustments now, but foolish to make too much of 75-year prophecies.
''In 1928, there was no way to forecast the Depression, World War II,
the birth-control pill. We have to stop acting as if 75-year estimates
were absolute,'' he told me.

Nonetheless, Ball would tweak the system in several modest ways to
reduce the projected deficit. For instance, he would very gradually
raise the cap on income subject to the payroll tax, now at $90,000.
This would reverse a recent regressive trend. Income distribution in
America has become more skewed, thus upper-income folks have earned
more money that has escaped the tax. Ball would also add three other,
smaller fixes to further tighten benefits and raise taxes. (There are
many variations of these fixes floating around the Beltway.) After
Ball's prescription, how much of a deficit would then remain? Possibly
a fraction of a percent of the payroll, possibly zero. The answer
would depend on the net effects of future birth rates, wars, diseases,
inventions and so forth. Enter now Ball's little accommodation to
uncertainty. It is that Congress simply resolve now to impose, 50
years hence, a payroll tax increase sufficient to close whatever gap
exists over the ensuing quarter-century. This could not be enforced
now, of course, but that is Ball's point. He wants to free the
Congress, and the rest of us, from the annual game of insisting on an
exact and illusory far-off balance; to diminish the perception that we
must urgently adjust to economic and demographic developments too
distant to be forecast. ..

Prudence dictates taking steps now to minimize the possible shortfall.
This could include raising the cap, some modest cuts and tax increases
and a gradual redeployment of the trust fund into assets that may not
be tapped, willy-nilly, for whatever legislative purpose. But only a
real crisis would dictate undoing an institution that has provided a
safety net for retirees, that has helped to preserve in the social
fabric some minimum of shared responsibility and that has been
supported by workers in good faith. And, in looking at Social Security
today, the crisis is yet to be found.

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/01/16/magazine/16SOCIAL.html

Gary Denton
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http://www.mccmedia.com/mailman/listinfo/brin-l

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