Vietnam's independence leader was a hero to his countrymen, a wise uncle to 
friends and a monster to enemies
Born May 19, 1890 in Nghe An province
1930 Founds the Communist Party of Vietnam
1941 Starts Viet Minh independence movement
1954 Viet Minh defeat French at Dien Bien Phu; country divided after Geneva 
Accords, with Ho as President of the North
1956 War with South begins; U.S. sends troops in 1965 to fight Viet Cong 
insurgents
1969 Dies Sept. 2 in Hanoi, six years before North wins the war.

Ho Chi Minh was a friend of my father's. They lived side-by-side in the jungle 
during the resistance struggle. Over the years, they exchanged poems. I recall 
vividly the poem Ho dedicated to my father in 1948:
The mountain birds sing at my windows

The spring flowers flutter down on my inkwell

The panting horses bring news of victories

And my thoughts go to you with this poem

Isn't it touching that Ho should write this in the jungle in the midst of the 
resistance? And when my father died in April 1955, it was Ho who came to 
console my family. He arranged the funeral and granted my father's wish that he 
be buried not in the official cemetery, as befitting a former president of the 
National Assembly, but in our village. That's the way Uncle Ho was.

Communist propaganda elevates Ho to the status of sage, national hero, saint. 
He has become the Strategist, the Theoretician, the Thinker, the Statesman, the 
Man of Culture, the Diplomat, the Poet, the Philosopher. All these names are 
accompanied with adjectives like "legendary" and "unparalleled." He has become 
Ho the Luminary, Ho the Visionary. Peasants in the South build shrines to him. 
In the North old women bow before his altar, asking miracles for their 
suffering children.

Others--boat people, anti-communist fanatics, those who suffered in the 
re-education camps--see him in a negative light. They label him the enemy of 
the nation, the traitor who sold out Vietnam, the source of all misery.

What is the truth? It is difficult to know because Ho's life is shrouded in 
shadows and ambiguities. Even the date of his birth has been obscured by the 
authorities, who believe this uncertainty will somehow add to his mystique.. 
The official date is May 19, 1890, but archives in Paris and Moscow show six 
different dates from 1890 to 1904.

Similarly, Ho's official biography says that he left Saigon in 1911 on a French 
boat in order to rescue the revolutionary cause, which had stalled. But recent 
scholarship indicates that his motivations may have been quite different. We 
now discover that Ho's father, a mandarin in Binh Dinh province, had been 
cashiered by the French after beating a peasant to death while drunk. Shamed, 
he fled to the South to eke out a miserable living practicing traditional 
medicine. Ho was so shocked by this that he left school early to petition, in 
vain, to have his father reinstated. Ultimately Ho went abroad, where he worked 
as a cook, a street cleaner, a photographer. And only in Europe, in 1918, did 
he begin his political education, when he was welcomed into French socialist 
circles.

There is more ambiguity--more shadows and fog--in the official biographies 
regarding the period from 1934 to 1938. Recently opened archives in Moscow show 
that Ho was subjected to Stalinist discipline there. He was required to undergo 
re-education for failing to display the proper class spirit and identify with 
the international proletariat.

Ho himself aided in the creation of his myth. A booklet written in 1948 under 
the name of Tran Dan Tien describes President Ho as a modest man of the people 
who was nonetheless the father of the nation and a hero greater than Le Loi and 
other luminaries of Vietnamese history. When in 1990 I pointed out that Tran 
Dan Tien was a pseudonym used by Ho and thus Ho was praising himself, I was 
called a traitor and berated for attempting to tarnish the image of Uncle Ho.

Perhaps the most serious charge facing Ho is that he was responsible for 
starting a brutal and fratricidal war. The truth is that he did all he could to 
avoid war. The responsibility for the war falls to the French and to Charles de 
Gaulle, who wanted to re-establish the French Empire after World War II. Even 
the French communists rallied to support this policy. And what about the 
Americans? Truman abandoned Roosevelt's anti-colonial policy and supported 
French imperial aspirations. And who undermined the 1954 Geneva Accords and 
prevented the general elections in 1956? U.S. officials, who also ignored 
letters from Ho pleading for support.

The policies of the Western democracies pushed Ho and his people into the open 
arms of the Soviet Union and China. He took their tanks, ships, airplanes and 
missiles, but he refused to allow foreign combat troops on Vietnamese soil. And 
he declined Russian and Chinese advice on how to conduct the war. The Russians 
did not want him to fight for the liberation of South Vietnam because they 
feared an escalation of the war with the U.S. might lead to international 
catastrophe. And the Chinese favored a long, patient guerrilla war. But Ho and 
his crowd decided to follow their independent course on the war and thus bear 
some responsibility for it.

Ho made other mistakes. It was he who wholeheartedly adopted a Stalinist 
political and economic model for Vietnam. Thus, there was the development of 
heavy industry, hasty collectivization, the elimination of the bourgeoisie, the 
starting of concentration camps and the mistreatment of intellectuals. All 
those policies led to disaster. Ho later took responsibility for them.

Had Ho lived to see the fall of Saigon and the liberation of the South, would 
things have worked out differently? Would the re-education camps have been 
avoided? Or the exodus of the boat people? Or the occupation of Cambodia and 
the war with China? Would Vietnam have suffered economic isolation during the 
1980s? I think Ho would have avoided these disasters. He always cautioned 
people not to lose their heads after a victory. Had there been proper 
leadership, victory could have been managed more smoothly and the country more 
readily accepted into the international community.

In Hanoi these days the leadership is using Ho's name to justify its policies, 
as if he were still alive. What would Ho have thought of doi moi, Hanoi's 
half-baked economic reform plan? Would he have seen it as a forced marriage 
between socialism without soul and capitalism without backbone? Perhaps. The 
government should not use Uncle Ho, cold in his tomb, as a defense against the 
opposition forming around such people as the mathematician Phan Dinh Dieu or 
the physicist Nguyen Thanh Giang..

In times like these I have a great desire to approach Ho--our luminous Uncle 
Ho--to ask him to clarify his famous slogan: "Nothing is more precious than 
independence and freedom." Does this mean the collective freedom of the kind 
being fostered by the regime's intellectuals at the Marx-Lenin Institute in 
Hanoi and not individual and civic freedoms? If so, the heroic people of 
Vietnam are two centuries behind the times. Poor Vietnam! Poor old Uncle Ho!


      
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