*

October 17, 2008
By Frank G. Anderson
UPI Asia Online

Column: Thai Traditions

Nakhonratchasima, Thailand — Once again, Thailand finds itself in an
embarrassing spat with a "friendly neighboring country." This time it is
Cambodia, regarding Khao Preah Viharn, the 1,000-year-old temple ruin
located on the Thai-Khmer border. Soldiers from the two countries fired at
each other across the border on Wednesday, leaving two Cambodian soldiers
dead and 10 Thais captured.

Conflicting claims have rankled since even before UNESCO granted the site
World Heritage status, at the request of Cambodia, earlier this year.

The latest clash follows earlier, repeated, border spats with Laos, and with
Burma. It leaves one wondering about the Thai Way of foreign policy.

Over the centuries, in fact, Thailand's longstanding approach to foreign
relations has been to get entangled as much as needed to serve private
interests, and to deny entanglement and blame the other side whenever
consequences come home to roost.

Also, authorities are quick to cite nationalism when innocents, like
villagers living near the borders, are forced to suffer consequences of
unwise foreign relations.

Thailand's foreign policy approach has been painted by the diplomatic corps
and the media as a traditionally wise one that shrewdly played off one
powerful foreign interest against another – in the Thai Way – to preserve
the status quo, or to refrain from rocking Thailand's socio-political boat.
This worked well, on the surface, with older powers like France and England,
but broke down in dealing with the United States and much more importantly,
with Thailand's oft-referenced "friendly neighboring countries" – Cambodia,
Laos, Burma and Malaysia.

Its failure has also extended to China, but the Thais refuse to recognize
this. With the Chinese dominance in business, government, society and
economy, it is hard to deny that Thailand has now been colonized. The fact
has made itself known time and time again. Even when the Dalai Lama
attempted to visit this predominantly Buddhist kingdom, he was not permitted
to do so because of Chinese government objections. China has interfered in
other Thai domestic issues by forcing the Thai government to stop anti-China
demonstrations, most notably by the Falun Gong group, which should be
permitted to practice its creed in Thailand, but is not.

With much more powerful countries such as the United States thoroughly
undermining their own international strategies and goodwill in the foreign
arena, it perhaps seems unfair to cite Thailand's failures in this regard.
Yet it is important to recognize that there is a problem, and a long-term
one, in the Thai Way of dealing with others. For Thailand, the costs are
much more significant than for powerful countries, particularly in the human
rights arena.

When the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush told former Prime
Minister Thaksin Shinawatra that Thailand's reputation in the human rights
area was being damaged by his war on drugs, Thaksin shot back, "The United
States is a useless friend." He flippantly continued extrajudicial killings
of suspected drug dealers.

When Thaksin secretly made deals with Cambodia, Burma and Laos for his own
interests, the Thai public and media remained obedient in not asking
penetrating questions. When the entire world has pointed to Thailand's
repeated historical state-sponsored anti-democratic violence – particularly
during Octobers – complaints and appeals have been unanswered, rejected,
countered with Chinese-style propaganda, or otherwise construed as
interference in Thailand's domestic affairs.

Both its internal and foreign policies seem to be having short-term and
long-term detrimental effects on Thailand's people, its economy – save for
tourism – and its value system. Thailand's current altercation with Cambodia
therefore bears review.

Differences between Thailand and Cambodia are real, longstanding and
important. Yet they have often been swept under the carpet, particularly
with regard to human rights issues and any semblance of democratic reform,
because powerful political personal interests stand in the way of ironing
out issues that would benefit the general public. This tends to undermine
the images of the nations that the rulers claim to serve. Is there any hope
for the millions in this part of the world who are daily subject to powerful
whims and wantonness?

It is important for both Thailand and Cambodia that the bureaucracy, police
and military be under the control of the civilian government, not subject to
the political whims of powerful people. Even with quasi-civilian control,
the deep-reaching influence of powerful military and royalist figures
forestalls any real change toward international standards of freedom,
transparency and good governance.

Nationalist images, the sporting of royalist colors and clothing, citations
of loyalty to the kingdom, crown and religion, all proceed on a blind
progression into the future. Unless Thailand's reform process subordinates
the military to civilian rule; unless Thailand's domestic policies change to
allow provincial governors to be elected rather than appointed; unless
Thailand's voting process is reformed so that local politicians owe their
loyalty to the electorate rather than to their party; Thailand's future is
dark and hardly beneficial to the majority of its people – all of whom
deserve better.
*

--~--~---------~--~----~------------~-------~--~----~
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups 
"Cambodia Discussion (CAMDISC) - www.cambodia.org" group.
This is an unmoderated forum. Please refrain from using foul language. 
Thank you for your understanding. Peace among us and in Cambodia.

To post to this group, send email to [email protected]
To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [EMAIL PROTECTED]
For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/camdisc
Learn more - http://www.cambodia.org
-~----------~----~----~----~------~----~------~--~---

Reply via email to