Saturday, June 27, 2009  Hun Sen versus Mu Sochua and the state of
democratic 
reforms<http://cambodianbrightfuture.blogspot.com/2009/06/hun-sen-versus-mu-sochua-and-state-of.html>
Written
by SEBASTIAN STRANGIO AND SAM RITH   Friday, 26 June 2009

Comment: The academicians described current political situation in Cambodia
with open-minded and bright vision, but government agents have blamed this
and that to avoid confronting the reality. Suy Mong Leang tried to blame
NGOs for their work of human rights advocate by picking a slight thing of
some youth misbehavior. Of course, there are bunches of lessons taught about
rights and obligation by NGOs. Government has not invested to provide
education of citizenship rights and obligations, but denounced others who
have continuously done this. Otherwise, the real issue that Hun Sen forced
Cambodian rubberstamp parliamentarians to lift Mu Sochua's and Ho Van's
parliamentary immunity as well as arrested Hang Chakra, the editor of a
newspaper, is just his emotional habit and strategy. Hun Sen's emotional
habit is to do something that can scare everyone eventhough it is illegal
and unnatural to do that. Do you think Hun Sen's private issue is more
important than the national issue, the border conflict and the economic
crisis? Do you think, Cambodian people are disappointed because those
elected parliamentians are good in figting with their own Cambodians
especiall are good only for personal dispute, not the national interests.
Other issue that is hidding outsiders not to sea the reality is that Hun Sen
has tried to bully opposition members in order to implicitly intimidate his
internal rivals. Inside the CPP, the competition has put in a high
price...you can see in case of Hok Lundi, and many more including Hun Sen
will spend a high price for their internal rife, arrogance and retaliation.


*Observers say the recent legal offensive against government critics raises
questions about how far Cambodia has come on the road to democracy - and how
far the nation has yet to go.*
[image: 090626_04.jpg]  * Photo by: TRACEY SHELTON *
Prime Minister Hun Sen at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs earlier this
month.

THE National Assembly's decision to strip two opposition lawmakers of their
parliamentary immunity on Monday has soured views on the status of
democratic reform in Cambodia, with local and international observers saying
the gap between the letter of the law and the country's daily reality
remains substantial.

On paper, Cambodia has relatively progressive laws: The Kingdom's
Constitution guarantees the independence of the judiciary, and other key
pieces of legislation, including the 2001 Land Law, largely conform to
international standards.

But with eight separate lawsuits filed against government critics in recent
months, including one against Sam Rainsy Party lawmaker Mu Sochua after she
filed a defamation complaint against Prime Minister Hun Sen, some claim that
nearly two decades of NGO- and donor-led reforms have left the bedrock of
Cambodian People's Party power largely untouched.

"Things are going back to square one," said Yeng Virak, executive director
of the Community Legal Education Centre, a local legal aid group.

Yeng Virak drew a parallel to the 1980s, when he said a layer of "invisible
law" held sway in Cambodia, informed by personal patronage and the selective
application of formal law. In those days, he said, NGOs making legal
arguments that ran counter to "invisible" prerogatives were quickly shut
out.

He said those charged with enforcing the law would "refuse to listen" and
"ignore the law" altogether.

"But the government is more sophisticated [now] - it is using the legal
system," he said.

*An authoritarian pattern*
According to overseas observers, Cambodia's progress - from the outright
violence of the inter-factional fighting of 1997 to the judicial
intimidation of the present - is following a familiar path.

"This is a common pattern, evident especially throughout Asia, where
autocratic leaders first rely on means of physical violence until they
manage to consolidate power within state institutions, particularly the
judiciary," said Sorpong Peou, a professor of political science at Sophia
University in Tokyo.

Now that military threats have subsided, she said, the regime is relying on
a quasi-legal framework to stifle dissenting voices - a similar path to that
taken by Singapore under Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew.

But as in Singapore, the government's response to international criticism is
that foreign observers somehow do not understand "the realities" of the
local culture.

------------------------------

COMMUNISM... SUPPRESSED ALL NOTION OF THE RULE OF LAW. ... ITS LEGACY IS
LIKE A VERY HEAVY IRON BALL TIED TO CAMBODIA's FOOT.

 ------------------------------

Hun Sen's warning to foreign observers not to "interfere" in the lifting of
the parliamentary immunity of Mu Sochua and Ho Vann matched recent
government criticism of international watchdog Global Witness and US
Ambassador Carol Rodley for airing corruption allegations.

But how much is Cambodian culture to blame for the stalled progress of legal
reforms? Lao Mong Hay, a campaigner at the Hong Kong-based Asian Human
Rights Commission, said the communist political culture of the 1980s -
rather than Cambodia's Buddhist tradition - was to blame for the present
state of the rule of law.

The civil law system introduced by the French had planted a seed of judicial
independence that was uprooted by the onset of CPP rule in 1979, he said.

"Communism, after the ousting of the Khmer Rouge, suppressed all notion of
the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary," he said.

"Its legacy is like a very heavy iron ball tied to Cambodia's foot."

*Hollow institutions?*
Professor Oliver Richmond, director of the Centre for Peace and Conflict
Studies at University of St Andrews in the United Kingdom, said Cambodia's
"misuse" of the law was hardly unique, describing it as "a normal part of a
local negotiation with liberal international frameworks".

Although that "misuse" could frustrate reformers in the short term, he said,
even unimplemented laws and hollow institutions could help pry apart the
government's hold on power.

"I do think that even empty institutions are very influential ... and allow
questioning to occur," he said by email.

"But this also provokes local cooption, resistance, fragmentation and
misuse."

Meanwhile, judicial officials say they are optimistic that the country is
moving in the right direction, despite a lack of resources.

Chiv Keng, head of Phnom Penh Municipal Court, said a new Civil Code and the
Council of Ministers' approval of the new Penal Code last Friday had put two
critical pieces in place.

"When we have adopted the two codes, we can upgrade the courts," he said,
though he added that a lack of human resources and funds would continue to
hamper the court system.

"Right now, we have enough judges to satisfy about 50 percent of the
country's current demand. The salary for clerks is still small, which
impacts their attitudes towards work."

Suy Mong Leang, secretary-general of the General Secretariat for Legal and
Judicial Reform in the Council of Ministers, said the reform process was
necessarily slow but was moving along the right tracks.

"The goal of the program is to establish a legal and judicial framework that
is credible, stable and foster[s] the principle of individual rights and
freedoms," he told the Post.

To do so, the government has established seven strategic objectives, he
said, including efforts to enhance rights awareness; educate judges,
notaries and lawyers; and improve access to judicial and legal information
and access to legal services.

He said that four model courts - in Phnom Penh, Kandal, Kampong Cham and
Banteay Meanchey - would receive extra funding and would serve as
centrepieces of the reform program.

The French government, which has provided assistance to bolster the
government reform programme, believes that proper training will help close
the gap between theory and practice.

"The main challenge for legal and judicial reform in Cambodia is
capacity-building (familiarisation with legal texts, professional codes of
ethics, etc) and deployment of this training throughout the country," said
Fabyene Mansencal, first secretary at the French Embassy.

*Opening too quickly*
But Suy Mongleang said a major barrier to reform was the pace of the reforms
themselves. In the early 1990s, the one-party Cambodian state was thrown
into the liberal democratic deep end, he said, adding that many Cambodians
were still struggling to find their feet.

"I see that some young people, when they violate the traffic lights, it
seems that they're proud of [themselves]," he said.

"Vietnam opened the door to liberal reforms very slowly, but Cambodia [did
it all at once]."

He said many reformers' emphasis on "rights" had instilled a sense of
entitlement in Cambodia's youth, and that education must also focus on legal
and civic duties.

"Usually, NGOs provide lessons and provide training to people about rights.
But I tell them, ‘Don't talk just about rights; you have to talk to them
about obligations too,'" he said.

Some NGOs remain optimistic that rights-based education will push the
country in the right direction. Along with the deterioration in freedom of
dissent, Yeng Virak said he has also seen an increased awareness of the law
- and a willingness to argue in legal terms.

"[Due to] the level of awareness of rights and increasing public
participation of the citizens, I hope that people will dare more to demand
rulers and lawmakers to be accountable," he said.

Not everyone shared his optimism. With the courts again being used to narrow
the democratic space, Sorpong Peou said foreign donors are unlikely to
become a powerful agent of democratic change.

"Donors have no choice but to go along, hoping that the hegemonic power will
not turn malignant," she said.

>From The Phnom Penh
Post<http://www.phnompenhpost.com/index.php/2009062626753/National-news/Hun-Sen-versus-Mu-Sochua-and-the-state-of-democratic-reforms.html>

-- 
Cambodian Brighter Future depends on enduring conscience and tireless
strivings of Cambodian Younger Generation!
http://cambodianbrightfuture.blogspot.com

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