---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Serey Ratha SOURN <[email protected]>
Date: Mon, Jun 29, 2009 at 7:19 AM
Subject: The Answer to open Cambodian's Eye
To: [email protected]


Dear All,

Please read Question & Answer that Phnom Penh Post interviews Dr. Gaffar
belove, it's geart answer and meaning full to open Cambodian's eye.

  A view from the outside [image:
Print]<http://www.phnompenhpost.com/index2.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=26774&pop=1&page=0&Itemid=52>
[image:
E-mail]<http://www.phnompenhpost.com/index2.php?option=com_content&task=emailform&id=26774&itemid=52>
  Written
by SEBASTIAN STRANGIO     Monday, 29 June 2009
*Former resistance fighter Abdul Gaffar Peang-Meth talks about his past and
Cambodia's state of affairs in the post-Khmer Rouge era.*
[image: 090629_06.jpg] *Photo by: PHOTO SUPPLIED *
Abdul Gaffar Peang-Meth, once a resistance fighter during the 1980s, now
teaches at the University of Guam.

*Educated in the United States in the 1960s and 1970s, Abdul Gaffar
Peang-Meth returned to Cambodia in 1980 to join the Khmer People's National
Liberation Front (KPNLF) - one of the three factions resisting the
Vietnamese occupation during the 1980s. After unsuccessfully running for
election with the Liberal Democratic Party in 1993, he returned to academic
life and now teaches political science at the University of Guam. In an
interview with the Post, he reflects on his time in the resistance and the
current state of Cambodian politics.*

*Many of your old colleagues from the Khmer People's National Liberation
Front (KPNLF) are still living in Cambodia today. What made you decide to
leave the country permanently? *
"Permanently" is an eternity, contrary to what Lord Buddha teaches: There's
no such thing.  Cambodians should live in Cambodia, and I respect the
different reasons my ex-KPNLF colleagues have made to do so.  My heart goes
out to those who have no choice but to endure oppression. Whether under the
Khmer monarchy, the Khmer Republic or the KPNLF, I believe unless a person
is permitted and encouraged to think freely and critically, to innovate, to
develop to his or her full potential, no endeavor s/he is involved in,
whether commercial or political, is going to succeed.  I don't see Phnom
Penh's sky as hospitable to my way of thinking.  Anyone can help the nation
from anywhere.

------------------------------

  A CHIEF EXECUTIVE WHO HOLDS EXECUTIVE, leGISLATIVE AND JUDICIAL POWERS IS
A TYRANT AND AN OPPRESSOR.

------------------------------

*From your vantage point overseas, how do you see the current trajectory of
Cambodia's development?*
There's no question that Cambodia today, with more roads, bridges, modern
buildings, is more appealing than under the Khmer Rouge.  But the rich get
richer while nearly half of the population lives below the poverty level,
and many live off the city's dumping grounds. The current regime's
disdainful lack of good governance hurts the people most, and points to one
direction: an authoritarian one-party rule legitimised by elections, which
the international community had dubbed below international standard, but
foreign donors let pass.  How many fewer threats, how much less intimidation
make the elections "more free and fair"? Does a government that sells
natural resources for private gain, evicts the weak and underprivileged from
their homes and land for development by the wealthy, employs lawsuits
against its citizens and lifts the immunity of lawmakers whose words and
opinions aren't in agreement with it, represent progress toward a more
democratic future? A chief executive who holds executive, legislative, and
judicial powers is a tyrant and an oppressor.

*How do you perceive the role of the international community in Cambodia? *
The role of the international community and the donor countries should be to
ensure the implementation of the 1991 Paris Accords on Cambodia - in which
the world invested $2 billion. It's their failure to implement the
stipulations in the accords that has led to Cambodia's current situation.
They cannot hope to build a sustainable economy and a democratic system in
Cambodia by turning a blind eye to abuses of power and rampant corruption,
when by so doing  the current one-party rule is allowed to become further
entrenched.

*Do you think the Khmer Rouge tribunal - in light of corruption allegations
- can bring justice to Cambodian survivors of the KR regime?*
There cannot be justice, nor national reconciliation and healing, when
responsibility for the brutality visited upon an estimated 1.7 million
victims is assigned to only five officials while several thousand other
perpetrators are walking free today.  Unless the victims are satisfied that
the accused have been accorded their due, the KRT is just a sham and talk of
judicial corruption is a distraction. Some Cambodians have challenged the
world community to establish a witness protection program to allow living
witnesses to appear and talk freely and without fear.

*You come from a Cham family that was closely involved in Democrat Party
politics in pre-revolutionary Cambodia. How did this experience inform your
political views?*
My father socialised me politically beginning in my elementary school days
to democratic principles and concepts. He introduced me to some figures in
the Democratic Party such as Pach Chhoeun and Svay So.  I read the
Pracheatheptei (Democrat) newspaper,  attended political campaign rallies.
Personal and national experiences also shaped my political views. When my
parents' financial fortunes crumbled, our house was sold to then Siem Reap
governor  Dap Chhuon, who allowed us to stay in the lower level of the
house.

But Dap Chhuon, who was implicated in a plot with South Vietnamese officers
against the royal government, was shot and killed and Lon Nol's soldiers
surrounded the house, placing us under house arrest.  The morning after, our
residence was searched. Old copies of the Pracheatheptei and a copy of the
Pracheachon (The People) newspaper in the house were confiscated, and we
were instructed to read only the ruling party's Sangkum newspaper. That
experience has affected me throughout my life.

*What led you to support Lon Nol's Khmer Republican Regime during the early
1970s? *
Being Cambodian-born of Cham descent has caused me to be particularly
sensitive to the regional Vietnamisation and annexation of territories by
Vietnam. When the Communist Vietnamese forces occupied some 3,500 square
kilometres of Khmer soil from the northeast down to the sea in the south as
sanctuary from the war with the free South Vietnamese and their American
allies, Cambodia's neutrality was violated and my support for those who rose
up against the Vietnamese forces on Khmer soil was natural.  It may have
been foolish for a Khmer David to confront the Vietnamese Goliath at a time
when the Americans were looking for a way to disengage, but opting to trade
national territorial sovereignty and territorial integrity because the
political wind appeared to favour the Communists was not in the nation's
interest.  Khmers who stood opposed to the Vietnamese occupying forces
espoused republican ideals. In March 1970 many who took on the republican
cause, many who gave their lives in that struggle, did so not because of
personal allegiance to [coup leaders] Lon Nol or [Prince] Sirik Matak, but
because they believed in democratic principles.

Whatever happened to the "republican era"?  Life evolves, political
pendulums swing.  There is no history, someone said, only interpreters of
historical events. For different reasons, old supporters of republicanism
have been silent. But there are young Khmers today who believe in the
republican ideals, appreciate and recognise the work of those who have died
for human integrity and republicanism. Some young Khmers have picked up the
flag of republicanism and are moving forward. I supported the republican
ideals and still do.

*Why did you join the KPNLF after the fall of the Khmer Rouge?*
I seek a meaningful life through serving a cause in which I believe. The
KPNLF was created in 1979 to oppose the Maoist Khmer Rouge's return to power
and to oblige the Vietnamese to withdraw from Khmer land. After the collapse
of the Khmer Republic in 1975 and news of death and destruction by the Khmer
Rouge emerged, I and a group of Khmer nationalists in America's East Coast
formed an anti-Khmer Rouge committee. I wrote articles, translated articles
into Khmer and English and mimeographed the bulletins for distribution.  The
bulletin, called Conscience, became Cambodian Appeal and after the KPNLF was
proclaimed, I joined the group in the field, followed by some colleagues.

INTERVIEW BY SEBASTIAN STRANGIO

-- 
SOURN SEREY RATHA
Chief Mission of CACJE
Website: www.cacje.net Webblog: http://cacje-news.blogspot.com

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