Cambodians oppressed, distracted, divided
Posted: 23 Feb 2010 04:24 PM PST

February 24, 2010
By A. Gaffar Peang-Meth 
PACIFIC DAILY NEWS (Guam)


Cambodians'public discussions of Cambodia's past, present and future churn 
throughcyberspace. A discussion that targets domestic political 
developments,particularly the perennial tensions between those who advocate 
civilrights and freedoms and those who support stability and 
economicdevelopment, foments passionate debate.

When the debate turns toCambodia's external problems with her neighbors to the 
east and west --Vietnam and Thailand, both viewed historically as "swallowers 
of Khmerland" -- the conversation has fallen to the depths of racial slurs 
andintensified hatred.

Premier Hun Sen's supporters and critics aredeaf to each other's arguments. 
Persuasion and compromise are foreignconcepts. Those who comment do so 
anonymously to more easily demonizethe opposition.

Hun Sen has successfully used governmentaladministrative machinery to keep 
Cambodians intimidated and ignorant oftheir civil rights and the principles of 
good governance. He dangledshowy projects and physical improvements to 
infrastructure, while manyscavenge the city's dumps and live on rodent meat.

Of late, Senhas succeeded, with Cambodians' complicity, to divert attention 
fromhis peoples' domestic plight to focus on the Thais, whose leader Senhas 
cursed publicly almost every day. His call to protect Cambodia'sPreah Vihear 
Temple from the Thais brings many Cambodians to his side,though they are mute 
over Vietnamese expansionism from the east.

Thereis endless and mindless debate over the use of the term "Yuon," 
becausesome non-Khmers say it's "racial pejorative." Yet, the 
authoritativeBuddhist Institute's "Dictionnaire Cambodgien," 5th edition, 
1967,defines "Yuon" as "Vietnamese," pure and simple. Sen's supporters lovethe 
debate: it divides and distracts critics.

I have written onthe history of Vietnam's southward movement since the 
Vietnamese endedtheir thousand-year bondage to China in 939. They physically 
moved awayfrom Chinese threat while seizing and absorbing territories 
beforethem. Johns Hopkins retired professor Naranhkiri Tith's Web site dealsat 
length with the fundamentals of Vietnam's "Nam Tien" (southwardmovement) and 
his proposed roadmap to save Cambodia from it.

Vietnam'smore recent attempts to integrate Cambodia into a Greater Vietnam 
maybe read in the Vietnam Workers' Party's (Lao Dong) political report toits 
second congress in February 1951: "We must strive to help ourCambodian and 
Laotian brothers ... and arrive at setting up aVietnam-Cambodian-Laotian Front" 
against the French.

In March1951, the "Joint National United Front for Indochina" was formed. 
InNovember, the Lao Dong created the "Dang Nhan Dan Cach Mang Cao 
Mien"(Revolutionary Cambodian People's Party) -- with name and statutedrafted 
in the Vietnamese language.

Brian Crozier, a former Reuters correspondent, quoted a captured November 1951 
Viet Minh document: "The Vietnamese Party reserves the right to supervise the 
activities of its brother parties in Cambodian and Laos."Crozier also quoted a 
Viet Minh radio broadcast of April 1953: "The LaoDong Party and the people of 
Vietnam have the mission to makerevolution in Cambodia and Laos. We, the Viet 
Minh elements, have beensent to serve this revolution and to build the union of 
Vietnam,Cambodia, and Laos."

Viet Minh administrations with their own armed forces and system of tax 
collection were established in Cambodia and Laos.

But more than one reader has told me, "That was then, and this is now."

Now,Cambodians inside the country affirm that one cannot distinguish who 
isKhmer and who is Vietnamese anymore: Khmers speak Vietnamese and dobusiness 
in Vietnamese language; and Vietnamese speak Khmer and haveKhmer names.

When the July 1954 Geneva Accords ordered Viet Minhforces to leave Cambodia, 
they took with them between 4,500 (aconservative figure) and 8,000 (reportedly 
claimed by Vo Nguyen Giap in1971) Cambodians, mostly young children, who were 
raised, cultured andgiven political and military training. These Cambodians -- 
with "Khmerbodies but Vietnamese heads" -- returned to Cambodia after 1970 
tofight Lon Nol, and to unsuccessfully wrest control of the CommunistParty of 
Kampuchea from Pol Pot.

Some were arrested, otherspurged. In May 1977, Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge units 
entered Vietnam'sborder towns between Ha Tien and Chau Doc, and by November 
theyoperated as deep as four miles inside Vietnam and inflicted casualties.

In response, the Vietnamese built up units in Tay Ninh and by December operated 
as deep as 10 to 15 miles inside Cambodia.

AfterChristmas 1977, eight Vietnamese military divisions, supported 
byartillery, tanks and planes, invaded Cambodia, cut off the Parrot'sBeak area 
and advanced as far as Neak Loeung, 40 miles from Phnom Penh.Out of fuel, they 
pulled back.

On Nov. 3, 1978, Hanoi signed a25-year peace and cooperation treaty with 
Moscow. A month later, onDec. 3, Hanoi Radio announced the birth of the 
"Kampuchean NationalUnited Front of National Salvation," led by a 14-member 
CentralCommittee under Heng Samrin, a former commander of the Khmer Rouge's4th 
Division. Hun Sen was a former chief of staff and regimental deputycommander in 
Sector 21.

On Christmas Eve 1978, 100,000Vietnamese troops led 18,000 KNUFNS soldiers 
across the border intoCambodia. They captured Phnom Penh on Jan. 7, 1979.

On Feb. 18,1979, Heng Samrin and Pham Van Dong signed a 25-year treaty of 
peace,friendship and cooperation, a treaty that effectively integratedCambodia 
into a Greater Vietnam. I will discuss the treaty in my nextcolumn.

A. Gaffar Peang-Meth, Ph.D., is retired from the University of Guam, where he 
taught political science for 13 years. Write him at [email protected].

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