---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Gaffar Peang-Meth <[email protected]>
Date: Tue, Jun 15, 2010 at 4:49 AM
Subject: CAMBODIA: Interpreting the June 2 events in Cambodia
To:



 *
*AHRC-ETC-001-2010
June 15, 2010

*A column by Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth published by the Asian Human Rights
Commission*

*CAMBODIA: Interpreting the June 2 events in Cambodia*

The French playwright Moliere said, "It is not only what we do, but also
what we do not do, for which we are accountable." Robert F. Kennedy posited:
"It is from numberless diverse acts of courage and belief that human history
is shaped. Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the
lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny
ripple of hope."

Two events that occurred in Cambodia on June 2, 2010 speak volumes about
human nature and politics. On this day, Cambodian officials,
non-governmental groups (minus the London-based Global witness that charged
Cambodia with "gross mismanagement" of her natural resources) and foreign
donors began a two-day conference to discuss the country's most pressing
issues before awarding more than one billion dollars in development aid.

On the same day, Premier Hun Sen's executive-dominated Supreme Court upheld
the lower courts' ruling against legislator Mu Sochua, who sued Premier Sen
for defamation for 500 riels (about 12 cents) for calling her "strong leg,"
a “gangster/thug,” and for insinuating in an April 2009 speech in Kampot,
that Sochua unbuttoned her blouse in front of an officer and then filed a
complaint against him. Sochua's lawsuit was met by Sen's counter-lawsuit
that Sochua defamed him.

In August 2009, the Phnom Penh Municipal Court dismissed Sochua's suit for
lack of evidence, and ordered her to pay 16.5 million riels (about $3,975)
in fines and compensation for defaming the premier. In October, the Court of
Appeals upheld the Municipal Court's ruling.

One day before the Supreme Court's ruling, the Cambodian Centre for Human
Rights issued a legal analysis, posted online, that found that Cambodia's
lower courts failed to uphold Sochua's right to a fair trial and ignored her
right to the country's Constitution-guaranteed freedom of expression. The
CCHR paper quoted Article 63 of the UNTAC Penal Code that defines defamation
as "any bad faith allegation or imputation of a given fact which harms the
honour or reputation of an individual," and stated government lawyers had
failed to convincingly prove that Sochua had harmed Sen's reputation, or had
done so in "bad faith", both key elements of the law.

But, it has not been the intent or the letter of the law that matter in the
Cambodia ruled by Sen and his Cambodian People's Party. Just as Sen's
military and security forces exist to serve Sen and the CPP, so the
judiciary and all national institutions exist for the same purpose. The
traditional Khmer respect, obedience and loyalty to personalities in
positions of authority only help Sen and those in power.

Sochua has stood her ground and has broken from tradition: She would rather
go to jail than pay the fines. "I have been found guilty of a crime I have
not committed," she said. "This is not justice. This is justice for sale,
and for the powerful people only." Several dozens of her supporters joined
her on June 2 on a peaceful march to the "donor conference." But Sen's armed
riot police blocked their path.

Also one day before the conference, Global Witness called on donors to
pressure the Sen government. Its campaigns director Gavin Hayman said in a
statement: "The Cambodian government has been promising to reform for years
but nothing has changed … Donors simply cannot continue to turn a blind
eye."

On that same day of June 1, fifteen non-governmental organizations released
a briefing paper, "Cambodia Silenced: The End Days of Democracy?" calling on
the international donor community to "take serious note of the deterioration
of freedom of expression." The paper states: "For over a decade the
international community has provided aid to Cambodia but most have remained
largely quiet as human rights have been violated and democratic space
eroded."

"Since 2009 freedom of expression has continued to be seriously undermined,"
says the paper, "with the Royal Government of Cambodia crackdown targeting
the pillars of democracy in Cambodia: parliamentarians; the media; lawyers;
human rights activists; and ordinary citizens."

As it asserts, "Cambodia's democracy is in free-fall," the paper also
presented some concrete "recommendations" to donor countries. Words were
spoken at the conference: Access to land, improved transparency,
accountability for use of natural resources have been cited as essential for
the country's development goals. Premier Sen skilfully exercised his
rhetoric saying the right things at the right time to secure international
aid: His government is committed to reform, a "life-or-death issue for
Cambodia." Yet, World Bank country director Annette Dixon's words were
clear: "It is important for the government to take the lead in aligning
resources to development priorities."

As a former colleague in the Khmer resistance, who is now a member of the
Hun Sen regime, told me, Sen's and CPP's guiding principle to keep power is
that words mean nothing, so say what one wishes as this is what freedom and
democracy are about, but when power is seen threatened, even United Nations
country head Douglas Broderick was warned of expulsion from Cambodia if
"unacceptable interference" in Cambodia's internal affairs does not stop.
This draconian approach mutes criticism.

So, while Sen's judiciary ruled against a legislator, on June 3 donor
countries pledged 1.1 billion dollars in development aid to the Sen regime,
despite rights groups' complaints of "rampant cronyism and corruption." Last
year, donors provided 951 million dollars, around half the government's
budget, despite demands by rights groups that donors get tough on
government's failure to reform.

Lessons drawn from these events are that in the world of realpolitik,
national interests, what actually brings more immediate benefit to serving a
country's foreign policy goal, trump the elusive rights and freedoms of man;
it takes more than words to create a more credible alternative for foreign
governments to even consider replacing the devil they know with the devil
they don't know; while toothless international resolutions condemning
injustices are better than none, they are not the "sticks and stones" that
break bones and save such human rights icon like Sochua and others.

South Africa's Nelson Mandela once said, "There is no easy walk to freedom
anywhere, and many of us will have to pass through the valley of the shadow
of death again and again before we reach the mountaintop of our desires."

And, as Albert Einstein, German-born American physicist, said: "The world is
a dangerous place. Not because of the people who are evil; but because of
the people who don't do anything about it."

*The views shared in this article do not necessarily reflect those of the
AHRC, and the AHRC takes no responsibility for them.*

*About the Author:
Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth is retired from the University of Guam, where he
taught political science for 13 years. He currently lives in the United
States. He can be contacted at **[email protected]* <[email protected]>*.
*

# # #

*About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional
non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in
Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.*



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