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From: Gaffar Peang-Meth <[email protected]>
Date: Fri, Apr 15, 2011 at 4:18 AM
Subject: CAMBODIA: When actions convergence, change can't be stopped
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*FOR PUBLICATION
*AHRC-ETC-009-2011
April 15, 2011

*An article by Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth published by the Asian Human Rights
Commission *

*CAMBODIA: When actions convergence, change can't be stopped *

April 15, 2011

Happy Khmer New Year of the Rabbit to all my Cambodian and non-Cambodian
Buddhist readers! May you be blessed in this New Year with new thoughts and
a new soul as you face the challenges of the 21st century!

In my first article for the Asian Human Rights Commission in the Year 2555
of the Buddhist era, I'd like to begin with Buddha's "To be idle is a short
road to death and to be diligent is a way of life; foolish people are idle,
wise people are diligent."

I believe problems, personal or communal, can be solved through sustained
creative and innovative efforts, and predicaments can be addressed as one
develops a capacity to cope. Don't stay idle; do something, do many things,
to respond to the inevitable pain of personal loss(es). Quality thinking and
positive thinking can catalyze personal and social change.

*Buddha on Responsibility*
"I do believe in a fate that falls on unless they act," preached Gautama
Buddha 2,500 years ago. We act to change, to improve situations from what
they are to what we would like them to be. Passive behavior assures that our
destiny becomes our fate. Man is responsible for what he is. As Buddha said,
"Work out your own salvation … No one saves us but ourselves. No one can and
no one may. We ourselves must walk the path."

Many Khmer Buddhists seem to cling to a notion that fate, "karma," makes
them what they are, thereby dumping responsibility for their lot in life on
a supernatural cause. However, Buddha warned, "However many holy words you
read, however many you speak, what good will they do if you do not act upon
them?" The same concept is found in other cultures. In Africa, some learn to
"talk little and listen much," and Swedes say, "Whine less, breathe more;
Talk less, say more."

So, learn and apply: Think positively, dream big, imagine the world we want
to see, demonstrate a can-do attitude, and take the first step, no matter
how small. As the great Chinese teacher Confucius said, "It does not matter
how slowly you go as long as you do not stop." And civil rights icon Martin
Luther King, Jr., echoed, "Faith is taking the first step even when you
don't see the whole staircase."

*Learning from the American Civil War
*April 12, 2011, was the 150th anniversary of the beginning of the American
Civil War, the bloodiest conflict in United States history, fought from
1861-1865. At the end of that conflict, 630,000 lives had been lost and more
than one million had been injured in war. Cities and towns in the South
where battles had been fought were in ruin; slavery was abolished; the Union
was preserved. The United States with its motto, E pluribus unum – Out of
many, one – was again one nation. For most, the animosities borne of war
quickly were subsumed by the relief of peace and reunification. Over time,
the nation became stronger and more united under a central government than
it had been before that devastating conflict.

Recently, I was enthralled, as I had been in the past, watching filmmaker
Ken Burns' 1990 series "The Civil War" on public television, in which the
point was made that at the end of the war, the United States referred to
itself in the singular – as the United States "is" – rather than in the
plural – as the United States "are." This was an important outcome of the
civil conflict, a conflict that made citizens appreciate the value of being
one nation, not a collection of states. E pluribus unum. Out of many, one.

The War that began on April 12, 1861 with the firing of cannons by the
Confederates on Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor, South Carolina, ended on
April 9, 1865 with the surrender of Gen. Robert E. Lee, Commander of the
Confederate Army of Northern Virginia, and nearly 28,000 troops in the
field, to Union Army Commander Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, at Appomattox
Court House in Virginia, where surrender papers were signed at Wilmer
McClean's home.

*Two Foes, Two Gentlemen
*Having studied how Cambodia's Khmer Rouge victors executed vanquished
leaders and turned the country into the killing fields, I was spellbound by
the Appomattox surrender story that instilled the image of good men whose
integrity and humanity was evident even in very difficult circumstances.

Ulysses Grant was 43 years old, and Lee, 59 when the surrender took place.
Both had served in the Mexican War, when Lee was chief of staff. Grant
remembered Lee well; Lee did not recall Grant from those years. In 1861, Lee
had declined President Lincoln's invitation to take command of the Union
Army. Though Lee was considered the finest military commander in the
country, his personal allegiance was to his home state of Virginia, a state
that would soon secede from the union. Lee stayed with "his country," which
in pre-Civil War America he identified as Virginia.

In April 1865, Grant's army had surrounded Lee's. On April 7, Grant
dispatched a message to Lee about Lee's Army's "hopelessness of further
resistance", and said Grant wanted to avoid "any further effusion of blood
by asking of you the surrender of … the Army of Northern Virginia." Lee
responded immediately that he was "not entertaining the opinion … of the
hopelessness of further resistance," but "I reciprocate your desire to avoid
useless effusion of blood, and therefore, before considering your
proposition, ask the terms you will offer on condition of its surrender."

Grant wrote back, "Peace being my great desire, there is but one condition …
the men and officers surrendered shall be disqualified for taking up arms
against the Government of the United States until properly exchanged."

In the afternoon of April 9, the two Commanders met at McClean's house near
Appomattox Courthouse, first in the front yard and then in the front parlor.
In Grant's own words, Lee was "so handsomely dressed, six feet high and of
faultless form" and "was wearing a sword," while Grant was in "rough
garb ... the uniform of a private" because he came directly from the field.

Grant said he could not tell how Lee was feeling inside, but Grant's own
feelings were "sad and depressed. I felt like anything rather than rejoicing
at the downfall of a foe who had fought so long and valiantly, and had
suffered so much for a cause, though that cause was, I believe, one of the
worst for which a people ever fought, and one for which there was the least
excuse. I do not question, however, the sincerity of the great mass of those
who were opposed to us."

The conversation of the two adversaries was "so pleasant" that Grant almost
forgot why they were meeting until Lee reminded him Lee came to secure
Grant's terms for Lee's Army.

Before the meeting was over, to Lee's remarks that his 28,000 men were "in a
very bad condition for want to food," Grant offered "all the provisions
wanted."

"Lee and I … separated as cordially as we had met, he returning to his own
lines" according to Grant, "and all went into bivouac for the night at
Appomattox."

When news of Lee's surrender reached Union lines, men fired guns at the news
of victory. But Grant stopped that: "The Confederates were our prisoners,
and we did not want to exult over their downfall."

The next morning, Grant rode to see Lee, with some staff and officers, who
asked Lee's permission to visit old Confederate army friends, and they "had
a pleasant time … and brought some of them back with them when they
returned."

*"Honor answering honor"*
In a moving tribute to the April 12 formal ceremony disbanding the Army of
the Northern Virginia, and paroling its officers and men, Union Brig. Gen.
Joshua L. Chamberlain, wrote:

"The momentous meaning of his occasion impressed me deeply . . . Before us
in proud humiliation stood the embodiment of manhood: men whom neither toils
and sufferings, nor the fact of death, nor disaster, nor hopelessness could
bend from their resolve; standing before us now, thin, worn, and famished,
but erect, and with eyes looking level into ours, waking memories that bound
us together as no other bond; was not such manhood to be welcomed back into
a Union so tested and assured? Instructions had been given; and when the
head of each division column comes opposite our group, our bugle sounds the
signal and instantly our whole line from right to left, regiment by regiment
in succession, gives the soldier's salutation, from the ‘order arms' to the
old ‘carry' the marching salute.

"Gordon at the head of the column, riding with heavy spirit and downcast
face, catches the sound of shifting arms, looks up, and, taking the meaning,
wheels superbly, making with himself and his horse one uplifted figure, with
profound salutation as he drops the point of his sword to the boot toe; then
facing to his own command, gives word for his successive brigades to pass us
with the same position of the manual – honor answering honor. On our part
not a sound of trumpet more, nor roll of drum; not a cheer, nor word nor
whisper of vain-glorying, nor motion of man standing again at the order, but
an awed stillness rather, and breath-holding, as if it were the passing of
the dead!"

On that day, 27,805 Confederate soldiers passed by and stacked their arms.

*Learn and Become*
It takes two to make war or to make peace.

Pro-democracy Cambodians are united in their hatred for Vietnam's
expansionism into Cambodia, and in their opposition to the autocracy of
Premier Hun Sen and his ruling Cambodian People's Party, backed by the King
Father and his son, the current king. All four have allowed illegal
Vietnamese settlements in Cambodia while the country's underprivileged are
evicted from their land, their homes bulldozed, and they are beaten by the
police.

Unfortunately for Cambodians, unity in a great cause is generally
subordinated to attachment to clans, cliques, parties, as members profess
unquestioned obedience to competing leaders, turning a potential strength
into an actual weakness, while Hun Sen and the CPP transform Cambodia into a
police state reigned by fear.

When Cambodians call for unity, they mean others should fall in line behind
one's leadership or one's party. They see things as black and white;
humility and compromise are signs of weakness; a general attitude of my way
or the highway is common; and inflexibility is a roadblock to a multitude of
productive possibilities.

While Vietnamese illegals in Cambodia voted to determine the Khmer Nation's
future, the opposition parties – Sam Rainsy party, Human Rights party, the
splintered royalists – fought between and amongst themselves and provided a
weak and ineffective counterpoint. In election after election, this
disparate collection of political parties participated and were allowed to
win enough seats to keep them quiet and, more importantly, to legitimize
dictators as democratically elected leaders.

But nothing is permanent, change is inevitable, and people learn and change,
too.

*Encourage Efforts*
When Cambodian expatriates set aside their differences and joined forces on
March 18, 2011 under the banner of the "Lotus Revolution" to oppose
Vietnam's presence in Cambodia and demand that Premier Hun Sen step down, I
shared my respect for the participants. It was their first major rally. Now
on the 36th anniversary of the Khmer Rouge takeover of Phnom Penh on April
17, 1975, the Lotus Movement has called on Khmers to make offerings to
Buddhist monks and light candles in memory of the 2 million dead. It has
been announced that the members of the Lotus movement will demonstrate in
front of the Vietnamese Embassy in Paris on June 8.

My hat is again off to the expatriates. The Vietnamese are not going to
leave Cambodia nor is Hun Sen going to step down in the face of the Lotus
Movement. But, as long as the pressure is kept up, a real revolution will
ignite. Man can accept oppression only so long.

Many other Khmers have not been idle. The Free Press Magazine Online, in the
Khmer language, in Denmark, under editorial manager Lem Piseth, a former
reporter who was threatened in Cambodia and had to flee with his family to
asylum in Europe, has not stopped speaking out against the Vietnam's dark
design in Cambodia and against the Hun Sen autocracy. To his organization
too, I express gratitude.

Leading other Khmer Websites in disseminating news and information about
Cambodia is the KI-Media. Like a magnet, it draws people from different
walks of life, supporters and critics, its staff menaced endlessly. I have
never met anyone from KI-Media, or from the FPM Online, but I never hesitate
to express my heartfelt congratulations to both for their stubborn defense
of a responsible free press and free expression.

An offshoot organization that was born into the Khmer People Power Movement
in 2010 is led by the young activist, Sourn Serey Ratha, who was on a trip
abroad when an arrest warrant was issued by the Hun Sen government. Suorn
requested political asylum in the US. He is a grassroots democracy activist
who believes only the power of the people can bring change to Cambodia. Some
of his critics may dislike Sourn's style, and some of his cadres in Cambodia
have been arrested, but Suorn has refused to bend or bow.

The KPPM has its own website, and finally its own radio program in the Khmer
language, broadcast via satellite to Cambodia. I am in the process of
securing a KPPM DVD titled "Dei Khmer Thao Kae Yuorn" – Khmer soil,
Vietnamese patrons – to study photographs from the Neak Leurng area and the
regions around the Tonle Sap Great Lake populated by Vietnamese whose school
"Truong Hoc Tinh Thuong Nuoi Day Tre Em Nghao" floats in the water there.

Many other Khmer groups are operating, I know, but I am not informed enough
about their work to mention them here.

On this occasion of the Khmer New Year 2555 I wish all the groups continued
success. I close here with a reference to U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt,
who observed, "The only man who never makes a mistake is the man who never
does anything."

When actions converge, a change cannot be stopped.


-------------------

*The views shared in this article do not necessarily reflect those of the
AHRC, and the AHRC takes no responsibility for them.

About the Author:
Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth is retired from the University of Guam, where he
taught political science for 13 years. He currently lives in the United
States. He can be contacted at **[email protected]* <[email protected]>*.
*

**

# # #

*About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional
non-governmental organisation that monitors human rights in Asia, documents
violations and advocates for justice and institutional reform to ensure the
protection and promotion of these rights. The Hong Kong-based group was
founded in 1984. *


*Visit our new website with more features at www.humanrights.asia.*


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