Hi Kang-Kak-Roo,
What are u going say to those crimes of the Bastard Yuon-Hanoi ?
The Puppets CPP or its Master ?
Cheers,
Ung Bun Heang
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POLITICS FORUM
Viet crime continues " K5"
Posted By: Mahendra (wayport.net)
Date: Tuesday, 1 April 2003, at 1:28 a.m.
CAMBODIA - The K5 Plan
(Document for the Consultative Group meeting in Paris. 25-26 May 2000)
Crimes against humanity committed by the Khmer Rouge under the leadership
of Pol Pot from 1975 to 1979 should not make us forget other crimes of the
same nature, albeit committed on a smaller scale, also perpetrated in
Cambodia. These are crimes committed from 1984 to 1989 under the regime of
the People's Republic of Kampuchea with Mr. Hun Sen as Prime Minister. The
following is a five-page extract from Doctor Esmeralda Luciolli's book "Le
Mur de Bambou - Le Cambodge après Pol Pot" (The Bamboo Wall: Cambodia after
Pol Pot) published in 1988 by Régine Deforges Edition - Médecins sans
Frontières (Distributed by Albin Michel). THE BAMBOO WALL
The decision to build what would be soon called the "bamboo wall" was
never publicly announced. In July 1984, mysterious rumors some bits of which
reached us circulated among the Cambodians. From now on each one must go to
the border for several months a year, in regions mined and highly infected
by malaria, to build some new sort of Chinese Wall between Cambodia and
Thailand. The idea looked so foolish that many foreigners thought they were
seeing only an example of the Khmers' supposed tendency to exaggerate. After
a few weeks, they had to accept the facts: departures began and these labors
soon became an obsessive fear of all Cambodians. The Vietnamese army had
started to enlist Khmer civilians to do strategic work since 1979. Early on,
in the autumn of 1982, the population was made to participate in "socialist
service". This work consisted of building dams, roads and earthworks near
their dwellings and proved to be useful to the inhabitants. But very
quickly, this task took a strategic turn and the peasants were ordered to
clear the surrounding forests and build protective barriers around the most
important dwelling centers. Starting in 1983, the population was made to
create fences out of two or three rows of prickly shrubs or bamboo,
sometimes lined by mine fields, around the villages. The people were also
forced to set up defensive barriers along the railroads, around the bridges
and at strategic points of the highways. (...) However, the first chores
lasted only a short time and did not require any displacement of the
population. In 1984, a new stage was reached: the population of the country
was mobilized for gigantic labors officially designated as "work to defend
the fatherland". At the beginning of that year, the Vietnamese authorities
decided to seal the Thai border. The dry season offensive of 1984-1985
destroyed the major camps of the resistance located in those areas. To
reinforce this victory they had to tightly seal the country against
infiltration by the guerrillas and prevent the population from fleeing to
the border. To this end, the decision to set up a "defense line" eight
hundred kilometers long was made in Hanoi, in early 1984, by the Vietnamese
Communist Party's central committee. (See "Cambodia, a new colony for
exploitation" by Marie-Alexandrine Martin, Politique internationale, July
1986 and "The military occupation of Kampuchea", Indochina Report, September
1986). The construction of that Asian "wall" was to be implemented in
several steps : first, clearing of a strip of land three to four kilometers
wide along the border, through forests and mountains; then excavating
trenches, setting up dams, building bamboo fences lined with barbed wires
and mine fields; and finally opening a strategic road running along the
"wall", to convey troops and ammunition and monitor the frontier. Cambodian
authorities were in charge of the project implementation. Everything leads
us to believe that this work was to be done as rapidly as possible, whatever
the cost in human lives and the economic consequences, in order to "fight
against Polpotist bandits in the forest, who since the destruction of their
camps all along the Thai border infiltrate the country to steal food and
please their masters in Peking or Washington" (Radio Phnom Penh, 21
September 1986). These Herculean labors recall the gigantic ones undertaken
during Pol Pot's time. Haven't the present leaders a common past and
ideology with the ones in charge of the preceding regime? The requisitioning
of civilians started in September 1984. The Cambodians often refer to the
departure to the "clearing" duty as a new "April 17". (17 April 1975 marks
the entry of the Khmer Rouge in Phnom Penh and to most Cambodians the
beginning of an ordeal). The work is designated by the mysterious acronym
"K5", which the Cambodians, when asked, did not know the meaning of. Each
Cambodian province was assigned the task of building a section of the wall.
Twice or three times a year a contingent of workers, so-called "volunteers",
were recruited for periods varying from three to six months, according to
the quota set by the central government for each province in proportion to
the local population. The provinces in turn determine the quotas for each
district, the districts doing the same for the communes and the communes for
the villages. In theory, only men aged 17 to 45 years old were requisitioned
but it frequently happens that women or teenagers are designated for want of
any other person available in the family. For the whole country, each
departure gathered an average of 100,000 to 120,000 persons. (...) According
to an official of the Ministry of Defense who took refuge in Thailand, the
work, at the national level, is placed under the responsibility of Bou
Thang, Hun Sen and Heng Samrin, respectively Minister of Defense, Secretary
General of the party and President of the Republic. (...)
When they arrive at the sites, nothing is planned to accommodate and
shelter the workers. "When we arrived", said Touch Saroeun (a participant),
"thousands of workers had preceded us. We were maybe ten thousand coming
from several provinces. There was no shelter at all. It was useless to seek
to build a cabin, because we were moved every day. Some of us had hammocks,
others had nothing. They slept on the ground, on bits of plastic sheets or
even on the soil." (...) Food remains very insufficient. (...) The stocks
run out quickly. "We were told that there would be every thing on the spot,
tells a villager from Takeo. But once there, there was nearly nothing to
eat." (...) Thory, a young woman from Battambang, said that in her group,
"several people died of starvation. It was like under the Pol Pot regime."
(...) It was forbidden to seek food during work time. A Khmer Krom who
participated in the clearing work in Non Sap area, a site renowned for its
hardship, recalls: "One day, I walked away for a short while to try to fish
in a pond. The soldiers saw me. I was caught and beaten for a long time.
That often happens because many people were hungry." (...) In some areas,
the local authorities were unable to supply food to the workers. These
starvation rations were supposed to be enough to carry out an exhausting and
dangerous work: the "volunteers" have to clear mined lands, excavate
trenches, build roads, carry equipment, ammunition, corpses, demine the land
and put mines in it again along the "wall". Everywhere the testimonies are
identical. The workers are dispatched in small teams and worked eight to ten
hours a day. Each one is assigned a determined amount of work to be
accomplished during the day, otherwise the penalties such as blows or extra
chores are frequent. In Samrong, Nong Rus had to "clear the land, carry
crates of ammunition and sometimes corpses of soldiers or workers blown up
on a mine". (...) The sites were watched over by Khmer soldiers, themselves
supervised by the Vietnamese army. Fleeing, practically excluded, was
impossible during day time, and very risky at night time because of the
mines. Several refugees told of having been herded for the night on lands
surrounded by mines. "Any attempt to escape amounted to a suicide. A mine
belt had been laid around the camps which were accessible only through a
narrow path. A few Vietnamese soldiers were enough to watch over us", said
Chhay. In another group, "seventy people were given the order to watch over
the others. They were given guns. They were themselves monitored by the
Vietnamese. If anyone tried to flee, he was often shot on the spot. Others
have been caught and taken to jail in Battambang."
Sunnara, from Prey Veng, was obliged to guard the "volunteers". "We did
not have any choice, the Vietnamese were after us. The rare persons who
tried to escape were recaptured and savagely beaten, then taken to jail.
Some have been executed." Sareth, from Pursat, was demining: "Often those
who were blown on the mines were accused of wanting to flee. In fact, these
were accidents because we did not know at all where the mines were." (...)
Since the beginning of the work in September 1984, the K5 plan, described by
some people as a "new genocide", made tens of thousands of victims. (See "Un
nouveau génocide", Philippe Pacquet, La Libre Belgique, 26 May 1986).
Accidents caused by mines were frequent. Nobody knows where they are laid
because the Khmer-Thai frontier has been successively mined for years by the
Khmer Rouge, the Vietnamese, and the non-communist resistance. (...) Many
died on Non Sap site during the first year of work, toward the end of 1984.
"Corpses could be found in several places", said Thory. "We had to cremate
them. Sometimes I had to carry ammunition for quite long distances. Along
the way, in the forest, we found corpses of the workers who preceded us and
blew up on mines." Her testimony is confirmed by that of other persons who
had worked in the same area. In a group of villagers from Bavel, ten people
died that way, and eight in another group. It also happened that trucks
carrying "volunteers" blew up on mines. In Sitha's convoy, two trucks were
disintegrated. Out of the hundred people carried by each truck, more than
half of them died and most of the others were injured. In March 1985, on the
way to Pursat, a nurse from Prey Veng saw the truck that preceded his blow
up. About twenty "volunteers" were killed and another fifty wounded. (...)
The victims of landmines had little chance of surviving their injuries.
First-aid posts located on the sites did not have the required personnel or
equipment to tend them. It took sometimes several days to evacuate a wounded
person to the nearest provincial hospital. Moreover, competent surgeons are
rare. Like all their colleagues they devote part of their time to political
activities and are not always available. Even if they were, they did not
have any blood for transfusion, or antibiotics or oxygen, or sometimes even
gauze and disinfectant. The people severely injured die. (...) In 1985, in
Kandal, about a hundred injured people from the first contingent died and
tens of others had amputations. In Prey Veng, fifty-six workers from the
second contingent died on landmines. (...) However, mines did not take the
heaviest toll on human lives, but malaria did. This is not surprising at
all, when the areas where the clearing were done were known to be infested
by malaria. (...) Since the beginning of the labor at the border, the same
phenomenon occurred as during deportations by the Khmer Rouge regime:
"volunteers" [coming from the central plains where malaria is rare in normal
time] uprooted overnight to severely malaria-infested zones are very
sensitive to the disease. Virtually all of them are infected in no time and
the development of serious cases is furthered by malnutrition and
exhaustion. All the witnesses talk about malaria as a real scourge.
Moreover, once ill, the "volunteers" are forced to continue to toil to the
point of exhaustion. (...) While in the beginning the K5 plan was very
secret and little mentioned on the radio, by mid-1985 reports similar to
those celebrating enthusiasm on the working sites of the Khmer Rouge regime
started to be heard: "Our people now live in joy. They thrive to overcome
all the obstacles by voluntarily participating in the work of defense of the
fatherland, at the same time building a new life on this earth they have
become the master of." (Radio Phnom Penh, 22 August 1986). Of all of the
contingents, the first one, leaving on September 1984, was hit the hardest.
These first "volunteers" were decimated by malaria, starvation and
landmines. During the first semester of 1985, tens of thousands of workers
returned home, as well as they could. (...) During our outings in the
provinces, the sight of infirmaries recalled the Thai borders during 1979:
everywhere malnourished men, exhausted, often packed on the bare ground.
Wherever we went, in the provinces, in the districts, 80% to 90% of the
"volunteers" returned ill. The mortality rate was very high, between 5 and
10%. In Kandal province, out of 12,000 workers, there were 9,000 cases of
malaria and 700 dead. In a district of Takeo, out of 1,100 who left for
labor, 900 came back with malaria and 56 died. In one of Kompong Chhnang's
districts, 10% of the "volunteers" had succumbed to malaria. (See "Malaria
decimates border workers", AFP, Lucien Maillard, 27 August 1985; "Forced
Human Bondage", Far Eastern Economic Review, 22 August 1985;
Marie-Alexandrine Martin, "Une nouvelle colonie d'exploitation", Politique
internationale, summer 1985). * A few officials were reported to have shown
some opposition to the continuation of the work notwithstanding the cost in
human lives. The then-Prime Minister himself, Chan Sy, would have been one
of those, which was why many Cambodians saw with suspicion his sudden demise
in 1985. (...)
The toll for the first two years of the K5 plan was heavy. According to
the least alarming estimates, at least one million people participated in
the labor from September 1984 to end of 1986. (The ninth contingent left for
the border in October 1986. Let us bear in mind that each contingent
numbered an average of 120,000 persons). The mortality rate from malaria
amounted to around 5%, so there would have been a minimum of 50,000 dead
during this period. According to an official from the Ministry of Defense,
now a refugee in Thailand, his department estimated in March 1986 that
30,000 people died since the beginning of the labor. This assessment does
not take into account tens of thousands of sick, wounded and crippled
people. (...) In Phnom Penh, at the orphanage for "juniors", the number of
abandoned children has considerately increased since the beginning of the
work . The death of the husband at the clearing work constitutes the main
reason given by the mothers who can no longer work and take care of the
child a the same time. During our outings in the provinces, it was rarer and
rarer to see men tilling the fields and most of the time women planted,
bedded plants or harvested, on their own. In each home, the departure of a
person, most of the time a man, for many months, lowers the family
production and even after their returns, the men often lack the strength to
work again for many weeks. (...)
(In 1985, according to an official of the Ministry of Agriculture), only
60 to 70% of the rice fields cultivated the preceding year were being sown,
because the workforce was considerably decreased by the requisitions for
clearing, armed forces and the defense militia of the villages. (...) At the
end of 1985, the Ministry of Agriculture forecast a deficit of 250,000 tons
of paddy for the harvest to come. (...) General mobilization of the
population for labor at the border was responsible for a great deal of the
agricultural deficit. (...) Of all the aspects of the Vietnamese occupation,
the K5 plan is no doubt the most worrying. Officially, the construction of
the wall was to meet the need to defend the country against infiltration by
the resistance forces based at the Khmer-Thai border. (...) Even if we
suppose that the resistance constitutes a real threat to Phnom Penh, all the
military experts, all the observers agree to say that the "wall", a mere
bamboo fence, is incapable of stopping infiltration. Besides, no defense
line is efficient unless it is guarded all along its length. The
construction itself went more slowly than planned, and, three years after
the work started, only a few sections were completed. (...) The defense line
could not benefit from any strategic credibility in so far as infiltration
from outside was concerned.
Under these conditions, it would be wise to look elsewhere for the reason
for this murderous extravaganza. The "defense line", if it did not hamper
the resistance, constitutes a real obstacle for the population to escape to
Thailand. (...) Among the Cambodians, a few people believe the Vietnamese
intended by this means to insidiously eliminate one part of the life force
in Cambodia. This premise can be questioned all the more by the reminiscence
of Khmer Rouge methods in the construction of this wall. But adversely, it
is undoubtedly true that through this undertaking the regime was able to
maintain the population in a permanent state of mobilization and maybe this
is where we should find the main justification of this undertaking. Whatever
it was meant for, the K5 plan looks like a strategically absurd undertaking,
triggered mainly by internal political reasons, hard to explain, for which
the Khmer people have already paid the tribute in tens of thousands of human
lives. (See "A fence to be tested", Jacques Beckaert, Bangkok Post, 15 May
1986, and "The military occupation of Kampuchea", Indochina Report,
September 1986). Maybe the rationale behind the K5 plan was one of the
self-contradictions of this regime, which leads many Cambodians to compare
it to the Khmer Rouge. In 1986, thousands of refugees arrived at the
Khmer-Thai border. Fear of returning to the labor of "defense of the
fatherland" came first among the reasons that made them flee. (...) Despite
the testimonies of these refugees, the K5 plan raised little interest
abroad. A few rare journalists have described the work without triggering
any international reaction to this new tragedy of the Khmer people. (The
first journalist to have mentioned it at length in a French daily was
Jean-Claude Pomonti, in an article entitled "Le mur vietnamien" (the
Vietnamese Wall) published in Le Monde, 5-6 May 1986). Shortly before my
departure from Phnom Penh, a Cambodian bitterly confided to me: "Nobody did
anything for us during Pol Pot era, the same now, you can bet!".
Hi Kang-Kak-Roo,
You pretend not know who sell Cambodia & its People to Bastard Yuon-Hanoi
!
In 1970 The Bastard Yuon-Hanoi had burned our House into the ground and
trained the evil Butcher
Khmer Rouge to kill Khmers in number of 2 million lives.....Yuon-Hanoi had
started to kill Khmer People again
through its plot of K5 operation after 1979 that what Youn called the
liberation day from the butcher Khmer Rouges.
This crime against humanity is continuing until today in Cambodia .
The world will not allow your crimes is going on.It will stop & punish
their crimes soon !
Watch your back Hanoi , your Big Brother China will chop you sometime !
And pls do not cry like Croc !
Cheers,
Ung Bun Heang
A victim from the Bastard Youn-Hanoi
We can understand what you are saying. Yet, you have not responded why
Cambodians sell their own country to benefit others.
Why have Cambodians been fighting eah others for the interest of other
nations?
Can any Cambodians explain it to us?
On May 1, 1:44 am, "sacrava" <[email protected]> wrote:
Let them live as Yuon-Hanoi's slaves forever ?
Cheers,
Ung BUn Heang
> For some reasons, we have seen this kind of messages from Cambodia
> from one generation to another.
> We have seen pictures portraited Vietnamese over Cambodia as this one.
> We have seen Americans over Cambodia.
> We have seen Thais over Cambodia.
> Most often we have seen almost all of them portrait Cambodians as
> slave of other nations.
> Can any Cambodians understand what they are saying?
> Are they trying to tell the world how they have been victimized, or
> how stupid they have been to sell their own country like that?
> That's why I say that Cambodians ought to join Thailand as one nation
> called the Kingdom of Thailand so the people can live freely under
> great leadership of the Thai monarchy.
> Stop petty with the lives of the people.
> Stop destroy them as you could.
> Let them live.
> On Apr 29, 11:02 am, "Nokoreach" <[email protected]> wrote:
>> For attention of Ah Khb t Cheat Ah Khvak HUN S N !
>> No comment ! Please enjoy with this cartoons attached.
>> Untitled.pdf
>> 473KViewDownload
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