*(Resend)* *CAMBODIA: Something to learn from KPNLF freedom fighters*

Read below for an article about *KPNLF (aka **Non-Communist Resistance
(NCR)) *by *Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth, *a retired from the University of Guam,
where he taught political science for 13 years.
He currently lives in the United States. He can be reached at
[email protected].

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Best Regards,

*Khmer Forum*
*A place for sharing community events and public news.*

   On Thursday, September 25, 2014 6:51 AM, Gaffar Peang-Meth <
[email protected]> wrote:

*Thirty Fifth Anniversary of the Khmer People's National Liberation Front
(KPNLF)*
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w_H1utam6Lo


*FOR PUBLICATION *AHRC-ETC-020-2014
Sept 25, 2014
*An article by Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth published by the Asian Human Rights
Commission*
CAMBODIA: Something to learn from KPNLF freedom fighters
In about 10 days, thousands of Cambodians (and their foreign friends) in
Cambodia and abroad will gather in small and large groups to commemorate
the thirty fifth anniversary of the Non-Communist Resistance (NCR), the
Khmer People's National Liberation Front (KPNLF).
I was a member of the Front in the field at the Khmer-Thai border in
1980-1989. I am writing as a way of participating in this historical day. A
slide show, mostly of photos I took of the resistance, also appears on
YouTube to depict the development and history of the Front in pictures. The
article and the slide show complement one another. They provide valuable
educational, and hopefully inspirational, material for Cambodians and
non-Cambodians interested in Cambodia's recent past.
It has been said there is no history; there are only men and women who act
to make things happen, and those who interpret those actions. The article
and the slide show are about the actions of ordinary citizens seen through
my eyes.

*Birth of the KPNLF*
The KPNLF was created in Cambodia's northwest on October 9, 1979, nine
months after its military wing, the Khmer People's National Liberation
Armed Forces(KPNLAF) was proclaimed on March 5. The Front was born during
the Cold War when national sovereignty was considered to be comprised of
four elements. It was absolute (non-negotiable), comprehensive (covering
all areas of national life), permanent (no time limit), and inviolable
(untouchable).Sovereign Cambodia was from April 1975 to January 1979 under
the rule of the Pol Pot Khmer Rouge, whose policies and practices killed
more than two million people through execution, forced labor, starvation
and disease. Backed by China, Pol Pot's Cambodia was shielded by the
principle of sovereignty despite the accommodations for "humanitarian
intervention" in established international law.
In December 1978, Soviet-backed Vietnam undertook a military invasion of
Cambodia involving more than 100,000 Vietnamese troops, tanks and aircraft.
In 14 days, they routed the Pol Pot Khmer Rouge. On Jan 7, 1979, the
invaders captured Phnom Penh, installed a Cambodian Communist regime – and
stayed for the next 10 years. My article, "Brief History of Vietnamese
Expansionism vis-à-vis Cambodia," originates from my doctoral dissertation
more than 30 years ago.
I asked then, had Hanoi evicted a murderous Maoist regime from power and
left the task of rebuilding Cambodia to the United Nations, would Vietnam
not have won the world's and Khmer victims' gratitude for ending a
genocidal regime? But Vietnamese troops stayed as occupiers, reviving
Khmers' fear of Vietnam's historical annexation of Khmer soil.
Vietnam's invasion led Cambodian nationalists who opposed the Pol Pot Khmer
Rouge to hasten their liberation plan. In February 1979, former Khmer
Republic Gen. Dien Del, a refugee abroad, left France for the Khmer-Thai
border. On March 5, he brought 13 independent armed groups, disorganized
and undisciplined, to form the KPNLAF. They elected him their Chief of
General Staff and called on former Prime Minister Son Sann, then in France,
to lead. Within five months, 9 Cambodians had left France for the border,
arriving in August. On October 9, Mr. Son Sann was proclaimed KPNLF
President.

*Principles, goals, political program*
The KPNLF has three guiding political principles: *Sangkuors, Bamreur,
Karpier Procheapolroth*or To rescue, To Serve, To Defend the People. It's
of no surprise that today's Cambodia National Rescue Party adopted these
principles as CNRP's own. CNRP Vice President, KemSokha, and some other key
figures were KPNLF cadres.
The Front gave itself three goals in 1979: To oppose the Khmer Rouge's
return to power; to oppose the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia; and to
build Cambodia with freedom, justice, human rights, free of occupation.
An Executive Committee(EXCO), set up to assume the "operative direction" of
the KPNLF, was assisted by the *Conseil des Sages*or Council of Elders, and
a Military Council. A Manifesto – political program – was based on the
fundamental principles of nationalism, Buddhist socialism (the Middle
Path), strict neutrality, national independence, sovereignty of the people,
territorial integrity, good neighborliness and peaceful coexistence with
all who, like the Front, aspired to peace, liberty and social justice.
The KPNLF called for an immediate general cease-fire, the withdrawal of
Hanoi's troops, and a United Nations supervised general elections.

*KPNLF at a "crossroads"*
Repeating that the Front "never pretended" to be able to evict Vietnamese
occupation forces from Cambodia, Mr. Son Sann declared the conviction that
guerrilla action in the country and diplomatic action abroad would pressure
Hanoi to negotiate.
To support that guerrilla action, the Front needed weapons. While the KPNLF
was accepted internationally as an alternative to the Hanoi-installed
People's Republic of Kampuchea, Pol Pot's backer, China, stood firm:
Chinese aid would not be given until the KPNLF, the nationalist royalist
FUNCINPEC, and the Democratic Kampuchea (the Khmer Rouge) joined forces.
Some "friendly" governments confirmed their aid would not be given to a
resistance, only to government; they suggested the nationalists take over
the UN-recognized seat of "Democratic Kampuchea."
In 1981, President Son Sann advised the people that the KPNLF had reached a
"crossroads" and must make a turn. He asked the people to give him power to
decide. The people agreed.
On an ASEAN tour, President Son Sann announced he would send three KPNLF
representatives (Secretary General Neang Chin Han, EXCO member Hing
Kunthon, and me) as negotiators representing the KPNLF at the Ad Hoc
Committee on the formation of the Coalition Government of Democratic
Kampuchea.
For the next few months, Front's representatives participated in endless,
excruciating meetings with royalist FUNCINPEC and DK representatives. The
latter included Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith, and Son Sen who
alternated. President Son Sann appealed to the people to "Lebthmar,
lebkruors" or Swallow rocks, swallow stones.
On June 22, 1982, the CGDK was formed in a ceremony in Kuala Lumpur, with
His Royal Highness Norodom Sihanouk as President, Mr. Son Sann as Prime
Minister, and Mr. Khieu Samphan as Foreign Minister.

*A two-pronged strategy*
Key figures of the Front were distraught as they debated with heavy hearts
the Front's strategy in the CGDK with the Khmer Rouge. The KPNLF's number
one goal was to prevent the Khmer Rouge's return to power. Yet how would
KPNLAF combatants fight without weapons?
While all key figures supported the CGDK-strategy as unavoidable,a
two-pronged strategy emerged and took a life of its own. The KPNLF would be
a good partner in the CGDK, but some key Front figures worked to strengthen
coordination and cooperation between the two non-Communist nationalist
groups, the KPNLAF and FUNCINPEC's military arm, the *Armee Nationale
Sihanoukienne*, ANS, and pushed the concept of a coordinated Non-Communist
Resistance (NCR).
During President Son Sann's presence in Paris, the EXCO decided at a
meeting on Sep 19, 1983, "In unanimity, to play the game of cooperation
between the nationalists."In 1984, the KPNLAF and the royalist ANS
instituted a Permanent Military Committee (PERMICO) to coordinate their
military activities. In 1985, ANS General Teap Ben hand-carried to Beijing
a document on the formation of the NCR Joint Military Command (JMC) for the
approval by HRH Sihanouk, who was in Beijing. In 1986, the JMC was born.
With aid from China, and aid and training from ASEAN, the KPNLAF forged
ahead with its military activities. There were military setbacks, of
course. But the KPNLAF bounced back.
While a major internal rift occurred in the Front's leadership, as photos
in the slide show illustrate, KPNLAF leaders respectfully honored President
Son Sann at their field headquarters. Unfortunately, some partisans proved
to be *plus royalisteque le roi,* or more royalist than the king.
Sketches in the video depict KPNLAF advances in its military offensive in
1989, and photos document the results of the Front's offensive.
Thanks to the CGDK, United Nations General Assembly members voted to reject
the Soviet bloc's efforts to oust Democratic Kampuchea from the UN.
Ninety-one nations rejected the bloc's move, while 29 members voted in
favor and 26 abstained. Not everybody supported the CGDK.

*An overview*
At an NCR-Aid donors meeting at the border, mention was made of a political
sea change in Moscow. The political and foreign policy reforms of the
Soviet Union's new leader, Mikhail Gorbachev – *glasnost, perestroika*, and
*demokratizatsiya* – caused me to realize that changes would inevitably be
coming, too, to the political and military dynamic of the CGDK/NCR.
As the KPNLAF High Command's head of the Department of Planning and
Analysis, I advised the High Command of the faraway developments that could
be expected to affect Vietnam and eventually the future of the
Front.Actions I suggested to allow the military advances to continue were
debated. As events developed, Moscow pulled out Soviet troops from
Afghanistan in 1988; Hanoi talked in that year of Vietnamese troop
withdrawal, which reportedly took place in 1989 when KPNLAF military
successes were recorded, but the NCR shifted its full attention to creating
political parties for future elections.
In October 1991, the Paris Peace Agreements were signed; warring Cambodian
parties found themselves in Phnom Penh. In 1993, the United
Nations-organized and -supervised general elections were held in Cambodia.
After 1991 the success or lack thereof of each of the various political
parties could be attributed to the management styles and political skills
of party leaders. One thing is certain, however: The Front's civilian and
military combatants made sacrifices without which there would have been no
Paris Peace Agreements nor the subsequent general elections.
Perhaps today's Cambodians can learn something from the successes,
challenges, and missed opportunities experienced by the Khmer People's
National Liberation Front as it commemorates its thirty fifth anniversary.
...............
*The AHRC is not responsible for the views shared in this article, which do
not necessarily reflect its own.*

*About the Author:*

 Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth is retired from the University of Guam, where he
taught political science for 13 years. He currently lives in the United
States. He can be reached at [email protected].

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