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Monday, September 13, 2004

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>>  Not a Moral Issue? Judicial Nonsense in Washington State

When Thurston County Superior Court Judge Richard Hicks struck down
Washington State's ban on same-sex marriage, the nation was presented
with yet another reminder of the real and present danger posed by an
activist judiciary now out of control. In his decision, Judge Hicks
declared that Washington's 1998 Defense of Marriage Act defining
marriage as the union of a man and a woman was unconstitutional because
it denied a "fundamental right" to some persons that was available to
others. His decision, handed down on September 6, follows another
Superior Court ruling similarly nullifying the state's prohibition on
same-gender civil marriage, and will be reviewed by the state's Supreme
Court.

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Once again, a judge used sociological analysis as a disguise for his own
political and moral judgment, and finally cloaked his decision in the
convoluted language of legal evasion. Citing Massachusetts' Goodridge
case as a precedent, Judge Hicks joined the chorus calling for legal
recognition of same-sex relationships. In a 38-page ruling, Judge Hicks
wrote: "The clear intent of the Legislature to limit government approved
contracts of marriage to opposite-sex couples is in direct conflict with
the constitutional intent to not allow a privilege to one class of a
community that is not allowed to the entire community."

Going beyond that argument, Judge Hicks found that homosexuals are a
protected class under Washington State's Constitution, a designation
previously granted only to groups marked by immutable characteristics
such as race or gender. The finding that homosexuals are now a "suspect
class" extends considerable legal protections to homosexuals as a group.
Just last month, King County Superior Court Judge William Downing had
declined to declare homosexuals a protected class, citing precedence in
federal law.

A close look at Judge Hicks' written decision reveals the radical nature
of this ruling. The judge began by arguing that the state's constitution
grants its residents liberties and protections not included in the U.S.
Constitution. According to the judge, "Our issue is simple. Do the state
or federal Constitutions, as they exist today in amended form, prohibit
the Washington Legislature from enacting a valid civil law for all the
people of this state that authorizes marriage between adult couples of
opposite sex and prohibits marriage between adult couples of the same
sex?"

The judge found that the legislature's intent was crystal clear. "It is
clear that there is no question of legislative intent. . . . The
legislature's intent is to prohibit same-sex marriage as contrary to our
civil law, regardless of any other basis, religious or societal, that
may condone such civil unions."

In an interesting twist, Judge Hicks cited Washington State's Equal
Rights Amendment in making his decision, citing its language to the
effect that "equality of rights and responsibility under the law shall
not be denied or abridged on account of sex." We should note that, when
the Equal Rights Amendment [ERA] was debated at the national level, this
is precisely the trajectory its proponents denied would ever appear.
Judge Hicks used this provision in order to argue that denying a woman
the right to marry another woman, or a man the right to marry another
man, was a violation of the Equal Rights Amendment.

Further into his argument, Judge Hicks announced his finding that
marriage "is a fundamental right." As a "fundamental right," marriage
was thus declared to be the equal property of all citizens, regardless
of history and precedent. Next, Judge Hicks cited the Goodridge decision
by the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts--the decision that led
directly to the legalization of same-sex marriage in that state. "The
point that must be addressed is that the government itself creates a
civil marriage, and the government is a partner in all civil marriages.
Based on their research and reasoning, the Massachusetts Supreme Court,
reviewing many of the same cases reviewed here, concluded that the ban
on same sex marriage did not meet the 'rational basis' test for either
due process or equal protection. They found that the same sex marriage
ban 'works a deep and scarring hardship on a very real segment of the
community for no rational reason'."

Of course, this redefines "rational basis" without regard for moral
argument, constitutional history, or the universal understanding of
marriage as a heterosexual institution.

Judge Hicks cited the State's argument that partners in a marriage are
"expected to engage in exclusive sexual relations with children the
probable result and paternity presumed." With sweeping condescension,
Judge Hicks declared this understanding of marriage--the very
understanding central to civilization itself--as a "Lilliputian" view,
referring to Jonathan Swift's famous satire Gulliver's Travels. Thus
labeling the majority of Americans as small-minded, the judge went on to
declare Swift's book "an allegorical work that is as important today as
when it was written."

The judge cited reproductive technologies such as artificial
insemination as means whereby same-sex couples can "bear children" and
insisted that same-sex couples can now adopt children with the state's
approval. "No one argues that heterosexual couples must have children,
even if they are able, or that divorce is not a common experience for
children of heterosexual marriages," declared the judge, arguing that
heterosexual marriage offers no stable basis for child-rearing or the
family.

In a bizarre section, Judge Hicks belittled an amicus brief that had
argued that "the state evolves out of and depends for its stability upon
stable families," and continued with the assertion that "new generations
must be produced for society to perpetuate itself." Rejecting that
argument, Judge Hicks went on to editorialize on his personal and
unsubstantiated concern about population control. "On the issue of the
need to produce children let us leave aside the relationship between
unbridled growth of the world's population in relation to the world's
resources to sustain the population and let us look narrowly only at
home."

Judge Hicks got to the heart of the matter when he single-handedly
declared that the word "family" no longer has an objective and defined
meaning. "For at least two generations we have understood 'family' as
something more than a man mating with a woman to have a child. A single
parent is a family. Grandparents raising grandchildren without the help
of the parents is a family. Adults giving foster children a home are a
family. Same sex couples who adopt children are a family. Opposite sex
couples who adopt children are a family. Single parents with children
who marry each other bring into being a new family. A childless couple,
same sex or opposite sex, can be a family. An older child raising his or
her siblings is a family. There are other examples. Clearly, it seems to
this court, a same sex couple, especially a same sex couple with adopted
children, is a family. Is this the kind of family that the government
has an interest in making more stable?"

In this offering of amateur sociological analysis, the judge ignored the
fact that virtually every example he cited--other than same-sex
relationships--is defined as rooted in the heterosexual structure of
marriage and the traditional understanding of parenthood, even if these
relationships fall short of the ideal. In the name of equality, Judge
Hicks will destroy civilization's most central institution.

Nevertheless, the most bizarre and troubling section of Judge Hicks'
decision came in its final pages. Turning the very notion of law on its
head, Judge Hicks declared: "For the government this is not a moral
issue. It is a legal issue. Though these issues are often the same, they
are also quite different. The conscience of the community is not the
same as the morality of any particular class. Conscience is what we feel
together as one community. Conscience makes us one people. What fails
strict scrutiny here is a government approved civil contract for one
class of the community not given to another class of the community.
Democracy means people with different values living together as one
people. What can reconcile our differences is the feeling that with
these differences we are still one people. This is the democracy of
conscience."

That is the language of legal and moral irrationality. Judge Hicks
simply declares, based on his personal assertion, that same-sex marriage
is "not a moral issue" for the government. Instead, he insists that this
is "a legal issue" alone. Can he possibly be serious in making such a
claim?

The strict and artificial separation of law and morality is part and
parcel of the modernist experiment and the postmodern worldview. Of
course, it is also manifest nonsense. Every statute, indeed every letter
of the law is filled with moral meaning and moral significance. A law as
simple to understand as a parking regulation comes down to the morality
of protecting citizens and allocating the just use of common property.
More to the point, a law against murder is not a statute intended to
identify murder as a procedural inconvenience, but rather to declare the
society's conviction that the taking of innocent human life is wrong and
thus immoral.

Of course, Judge Hicks must possess sufficient intelligence to
understand the imbecility of his argument. That's why he had to follow
his declaration with the awkward explanation that, "Though these issues
are often the same, they are also quite different." When a judge or
politician declares, "We cannot legislate morality," we can count on the
issue at hand to be related to sex and personal behavior--not to murder,
embezzlement, or bank fraud.

Capping off this legal atrocity is a corrupted understanding of
conscience. According to Judge Hicks, "Conscience is what we feel
together as one community." If that is all there is to it, there would
have been no abolition of slavery, no civil rights movement, and no
higher law than what the current moral opinion of a people will sustain.
By that standard, who can question the "conscience" that allowed
ordinary German citizens to participate in the death industry of the
Holocaust?

This ruling by Judge Richard Hicks adds one more irrefutable piece of
evidence to the argument that a Federal Marriage Amendment is absolutely
necessary if we are to have any chance of protecting marriage throughout
this nation. This tragic decision--available for all to see in written
form--is a warning of even worse things to come, if an activist
judiciary is not stopped in its tracks.

When a judge, sworn to uphold and interpret the law of the land,
addresses an issue like same-sex marriage and declares, "this is not a
moral issue," nothing less than civilizational collapse appears fast on
the horizon.

____________________________________

R. Albert Mohler, Jr. is president of The Southern Baptist Theological
Seminary in Louisville, Kentucky.  For more articles and resources by
Dr. Mohler, and for information on The Albert Mohler Program, a daily
national radio program broadcast on the Salem Radio Network, go to
www.albertmohler.com.  For information on The Southern Baptist
Theological Seminary, go to www.sbts.edu.  Send feedback to
[EMAIL PROTECTED]


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