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The Al Mohler Crosswalk Commentary - 
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Friday, October 15, 2004

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>>  Christian Faith and Public Policy--Questions Revisited

How are we to relate our Christian beliefs to the political sphere? 
That question has demanded the most careful and faithful Christian
thinking for centuries, but recent developments demonstrate that our
current post-Christian age presents us with new and ominous postmodern
perils.

Recent comments by Senator John Kerry provide an illustration of how not
to apply Christian truth to the great moral questions of our age.  The
senator provided an illuminating insight into his confused and
convoluted understanding of faith and politics when, in the course of
Wednesday night's presidential campaign debate, he responded to a
question about abortion. Bob Schieffer of CBS News, moderator of the
debate, posed the following question to Senator Kerry: "The New York
Times reports that some Catholic archbishops are telling their church
members that it would be a sin to vote for a candidate like you because
you support a woman's right to choose an abortion and unlimited stem
cell research. What is your reaction to that?"

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Mr. Kerry responded by arguing that he respectfully disagrees with these
archbishops of his church. "I am a Catholic. And I grew up learning how
to respect those views, but I disagree with them, as do many. I believe
that I can't legislate or transfer to another American citizen my
article of faith. What is an article of faith for me is not something
that I can legislate on somebody who doesn't share that article of
faith." In other words, Senator Kerry claims to be a Catholic who is
perfectly free from any responsibility to apply Catholic moral teaching
to public policy, insofar as he has the opportunity to form, influence,
and vote upon legislation.

In an extended commentary, Senator Kerry tried to relate his Catholic
background to his public record. "Now with respect to religion, you
know, as I said I grew up Catholic. I was an altar boy. I know that
throughout my life this has made a difference for me. And as President
Kennedy said when he ran for president, he said, I'm not running to be a
Catholic president. I'm running to be a president who happens to be
Catholic. Now my faith affects everything that I do and choose. . . and
I think that everything you do in public life has to be guided by your
faith, affected by your faith, but without transferring it in any
official way to other people." In framing his argument this way, Senator
Kerry effectively argues that there can be no "transference" of his
Catholic conviction to his political life. With this argument, the
senator intends to absolve himself of responsibility to contend for
Catholic moral teaching in his political life.

That argument, antithetical to the Christian moral tradition, would at
least have the virtue of consistency. It would, that is, be considered
consistent if Senator Kerry would hold consistently to it.

But Senator Kerry immediately departed from his own argument. After
stating that his Catholic conviction should not be transferred "in any
official way to other people," he went on to argue that his Catholic
faith is the animating motivation behind his work for justice,
environmentalism, and the alleviation of poverty. "That's why I fight
against poverty," Kerry explained. "That's why I fight to clean up the
environment and protect the earth. That's why I fight for equality and
justice. All of these things come out of that fundamental teaching and
belief of faith."

Which way is it, Senator Kerry? It would appear that Kerry is quite
willing to transfer his moral convictions concerning poverty and the
environment to public policy. But the transference of his
self-proclaimed Catholic identity and motivations stops when the
contested territory becomes sexuality or abortion. Given Senator Kerry's
characteristic confusion on this issue, those watching Wednesday night's
debate could hardly be surprised.

Yet, while Senator Kerry was arguing that his Catholic faith was a
personal matter that should not be transferred to public policy, an
Italian official was being booted out of his official responsibilities
with the European Union simply for being a Catholic who believed in
Catholic moral teaching.

Over the past weekend, the Civil Liberties Committee of the European
Parliament rejected Rocco Buttiglione, Italy's commissioner, just weeks
before he was to take office. By a vote of 27 to 26, the Committee voted
against Mr. Buttiglione after the Italian commissioner stated his
Christian conviction that homosexuality is a sin.

Speaking to the European Parliament just days before, Mr. Buttiglione
had said: "I may think that homosexuality is a sin, and this has no
effect on politics, unless I say that homosexuality is a crime." He went
on to say, "The rights of homosexuals should be defended on the same
basis as the rights of all European citizens. I would not accept the
idea that homosexuals are a category apart."

Mr. Buttiglione is not a devotee of political correctness. In the midst
of other comments, he argued that women with children would be best
served by having "a husband nearby that can support her morally and
economically." Offended?

The statements made by Mr. Buttiglione should be neither shocking nor
controversial. According to press reports, Mr. Buttiglione, appointed to
his post by Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berluscioni, is a conservative
Roman Catholic with close ties to the Vatican and Pope John Paul II.
Furthermore, these are convictions that are part and parcel of official
Catholic teaching. Is anyone surprised that a conservative Roman
Catholic would believe that homosexuality is a sin and that men and
women should marry in order to have children?

The Buttiglione affair provides convincing proof that the European
Union--which just months ago refused even to acknowledge that
Christianity had formative influence in the creation of European
culture, has lost all moral sanity and is firmly committed to creating a
new post-Christian, post-tolerant, and post-modern culture of radical
moral revolution. Johannes Svoboda, second in charge of the European
Parliament's Socialist Group, told Deutsche Welle, the official German
press service, that Mr. Buttiglione would turn Europe back from
progress. "If Buttiglione wants to send women back to the kitchen, if he
thinks that homosexuality is a sin--these are opinions that at this
time, for someone who is responsible for the realization of measures
against discrimination, for freedom and equality of women--they simply
don't match," he said.

In other words, while Senator John Kerry was arguing that he was
perfectly free to believe Catholic moral teaching that he was unwilling
to apply to the public square, Mr. Buttiglione was booted out of his
official post with the European Parliament simply for believing what his
church teaches on the issue of homosexuality and marriage.

Mr. Buttiglione's fate is the natural outcome of Senator Kerry's
reasoning. The Democratic presidential nominee effectively argues that
his personal faith must be a matter of privatized concern disconnected
from his public life--at least when it comes to controversial issues of
sex and morality. From there, it requires only a small jump to reach the
position argued by Mr. Buttiglione's critics, who now argue that merely
believing that homosexuality is a sin disqualifies an individual from
public office and public influence.

The vehemence and vitriol of the secular Left are becoming more and more
evident each day. The secular outrage over Rocco Buttiglione is
indicative of what will soon come to any culture that accepts this
artificial and unsustainable separation of the sacred and the secular.

Anyone who doubts this assertion need look no further than Louisville,
Kentucky, and the outrage expressed over an eloquent and sensitive
campaign for marriage undertaken by Southeast Christian Church. One of
the nation's largest congregations, Southeast Christian Church exerts a
major influence in Louisville and beyond. With Kentucky voters facing a
proposed constitutional amendment to ban same-sex marriage, the church
organized a campaign intended to affirm the dignity and integrity of
marriage. One phase of the project included a series of three billboards
strategically placed throughout the Louisville metropolitan area. Each
features a warm-hearted portrait of a married couple. Along with the
portrait, the billboard communicates this message: "One man, One woman,
God's plan for marriage: To honor, to cherish." That's all. The
billboards are attractive, positive, and eloquent. The message they
convey is nothing less than the sum and substance of what virtually all
persons throughout human history have believed marriage to be.

Nevertheless, the secular outrage has been extreme. In the October 12,
2004 edition of The Courier-Journal, Louisville's newspaper, a series of
five letters to the editor was published, each one condemning the
church's message. "Southeast Christian Church's position on marriage
stresses that the Bible should be our guideline for defining marriage,"
one letter began. "It is this kind of overbearing fundamentalism that
has produced theocracies like Iran. Fortunately we live in a country
that was founded on the separation of church and state, regardless of
what some Christian 'historians' want us to believe." This letter writer
obviously believes that those eccentric individuals who believe marriage
is a union of a man and a woman--representing, we might note, the
overwhelming majority of Americans--can be driven only by some form of
religious extremism and "overbearing fundamentalism."

Another letter writer expressed similar outrage: "The lovey-dovey
couples hugging on billboards and buses make me so mad. These slick
commercials supporting an amendment to the Kentucky Constitution
limiting marriage to one man and one woman mask a black-hearted bigotry.
How dare they tell my sister and her partner, who is a minister in a
Protestant church, what God does or doesn't want them to do. My sincere
hope is that all these couples who profess to have God on their side
have a gay child."

After arguing that a marriage amendment would be discriminatory against
common law relationships, as well as same-sex unions, another letter
writer got right to the point: "If religious organizations like
Southeast Christian Church keep meddling in civil matters, it will
eventually turn around and bite them on the butt." Yet another writer
argued that the state's constitution "guarantees our freedom from the
religion-based judgment of others." Going further, she asserted:
"Harmless religious and ethical choices are fundamental freedoms of this
great country."

Evidently, this writer is willing to accept religious liberty so long as
the religion is acceptably "harmless" according to her secular
sensibilities.

We are now witnessing a massive closing of hearts and minds, fueled by a
radical divorce of morality and law. Behind all this stands the
totalitarian aspirations of a new secular elite. Senator Kerry has given
voice to their argument, and Rocco Buttiglione has felt the crushing
weight of their hatred.

Think it can't happen where you live? Just ask the members of Southeast
Christian Church who wanted to remind their neighbors that marriage is
to be a union of one man and one woman marked by honor and cherishing
love. They can tell you what it is like to be on the receiving end of
the secular onslaught.

____________________________________

R. Albert Mohler, Jr. is president of The Southern Baptist Theological
Seminary in Louisville, Kentucky.  For more articles and resources by
Dr. Mohler, and for information on The Albert Mohler Program, a daily
national radio program broadcast on the Salem Radio Network, go to
www.albertmohler.com.  For information on The Southern Baptist
Theological Seminary, go to www.sbts.edu.  Send feedback to
[EMAIL PROTECTED]


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