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Thursday, October 28, 2004

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>>  Is President George W. Bush a Dangerous Theocrat?

Professor David Domke is a very worried man who has written a very
worried book. In God Willing?: Political Fundamentalism in the White
House, the 'War on Terror' and the Echoing Press, Domke, associate
professor of Communications at University of Washington, is sounding an
alarm--America has a dangerous theocrat in the White House.

Domke, along with other prophets of secular alarmism, is hoping to see
this danger--namely President George W. Bush--go away on November 2.

Domke's book, appropriately published by an outfit called "Pluto Press,"
is a political fantasy posing as a serious academic work. According to
Domke, "the Bush administration's worldview is one grounded in religious
fundamentalism--that is, it emphasizes absolutes, authority and
tradition, and a divine hand in history and upon the United States."
Scared yet? As he continues, "Such a worldview is disastrous for a
democratic political system, for it mandates an ideological shift away
from open discussion, publicly responsive leadership, and humility,
toward authoritarianism, publicly unmindful leadership, and arrogance."

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A quick trip to your local bookstore will reveal an entire constellation
of books written by left-wing academics who are ready to declare
President George W. Bush everything from a theocrat to a religious
fundamentalist equivalent to Osama bin Laden. If you take these books
seriously, it will appear that the American Left is losing its mind.

Domke's field is communications, and he applies his expertise to analyze
the Bush administration. What he finds is nothing less than a sinister
conspiracy to turn America into a right-wing Christian theocracy. How is
this being done? Domke suggests that President Bush is leading a
religious crusade by employing "binary" communication strategies with
"strategic political communications" that will combine to make America a
fundamentalist republic. "From this perspective," he argues, "the public
communications of the Bush administration might be viewed as the central
mechanism in propagating a religiously grounded, politically focused
ideology--that is, a political fundamentalism--as the appropriate
approach to fighting terrorism."

In other words, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 afforded the
Bush administration an opportunity to employ their sinister binary
communications in a strategic approach that will completely reorder the
American experiment, undermine our democratic system of government, and
put the nation into the hands of a far-right religious fringe.

The conspiracy theory doesn't end there, however, for Domke also blames
a compliant press for allowing the Bush administration to run rough shod
over American democracy. "In sum, these four
dimensions--nation-challenging crisis, conservative religious political
leaders, strategic political communications by the same leaders, and an
echoing press--provide a conceptual framework for understanding how
political fundamentalism might (re)emerge, gain wide public
presentation, and receive a favorable hearing in the United States."

God Willing? is not a book for the masses. The Bush campaign should lose
no sleep over the publication of this screed, for the book's assuredly
few readers would be found among those who regularly talk in terms of
"multiple binary constructions." Don't expect to throw that phrase
around down at the local Elks' lodge.

But Domke is sure he is on to something here. Christian fundamentalism
is always in the background as the threat and precipitating cause of
this crisis. Why? "Religious fundamentalism sets black-and-white
boundaries through the establishment of rigid norms and behavioral
codes. That is, it conceives of the world as a place of absolutist rules
and relations that serve as guideposts for how people think, talk, and
live. This archetypal component of fundamentalism is at the core of an
administration headed by a president who once said, 'In Texas, we don't
do nuance'."

The "binaries" that so worry Domke include distinctions like good and
evil, right and wrong, heterosexual and homosexual. Religious
fundamentalists, he avers, tend to get hung up on such distinctions,
while, presumably, professors of communication at the University of
Washington have transcended such mundane differences.

Oh--religious fundamentalists also represent a danger to the body
politic because of "a belief in a universal gospel." Citing sociologist
Bruce Lawrence, Domke points to a fundamentalist concern with "mandated
universalist norms" as the source of the danger. These norms "are to be
shared with all peoples--a perspective made clear by the biblical
command of 'go therefore and make disciples of all the nations'." Alert
the political correctness police at once!  How shall the republic stand?

In the end, Domke's main concern is that the Bush administration is
waging a crusade by means of Weapons of Mass Communication Destruction,
which are reduced to those pesky "binaries" once again. As he explains,
"The centrifugal binary for the religious fundamentalist is good versus
evil. A conception of reality as a struggle between these opposing
forces is at the core of Christian thought, found throughout the Bible
in notions of light versus dark, pure versus impure, and righteous
versus sinful." Well, he's got at least that much right.

Nevertheless, "binary conceptions, in part because they are often rooted
in fundamentalism, almost without exception have moral power, which give
them a resonance with the mass public and a sustaining news value, both
crucial components in the ability of political elites to shape public
sentiment."

The bottom line of Domke's analysis? "The evidence is clear: The Bush
administration brought a political fundamentalism into the mainstream of
American politics in the aftermath of September 11. The president and
his team did so by strategically choosing language and communication
approaches that were structurally grounded in a conservative Christian
outlook, but were primarily political in manifest content."

A similar warning comes from Mark Crispin Miller, professor of media
studies at New York University. He's worried about binaries too, but he
is quite certain that the Bush administration is being fueled by an even
more sinister force--Christian theocrats. Miller's book, Cruel and
Unusual: Bush/Cheney's New World Order, is an hysterical manifesto of
paranoid liberalism. According to Miller, America is threatened by a
cabal of right-wing lunatics who are subverting the Constitution,
undermining our democratic system of government, and using George W.
Bush as a mechanism for turning America into a Christian theocracy.

After taking readers through several chapters of left-wing rant, Miller
turns to attack "an elite theocratic movement of extreme commitment and
considerable wealth that has fast become the most influential force on
the religious right." What is this force? Why, "Christian
Reconstructionism", of course. As described by Mark Crispin Miller,
Reconstructionism is a "transdenominational ideology" that poses a great
threat to the republic.

Miller has done a bit of research into Christian Reconstructionism, also
known as "dominion theology," but he has pasted together an absolutely
untenable myth in order to frame his conspiracy theory. Without the
slightest shred of evidence, or the faintest concern for fact, he simply
accuses President George W. Bush of sharing a theocratic dream with the
reconstructionists.

"The radical collapse of all distinction between church and state, and
the promotion of an angry 'Christianity' as the USA's official state
religion, have grown increasingly apparent as the Bush regime turns more
grandiose and reckless after 9/11," Miller claims. Miller pushes his
conspiracy theory to the limits of imagination charging: "A cursory
survey of Bush/Cheney's foreign and domestic innovations will make clear
that this regime has, from the start, been hard at work transforming the
United States into a theocratic system, and, globally, at the gradual
creation of a nominally Christian New World Order."

Did an editor read this manuscript? As evidence of the Bush
administration's penchant for theocracy, Miller points to President
Bush's advocacy for a Federal Marriage Amendment. "On gay sexuality, for
instance, it is hard to see much difference between Bush and Co.'s
views" and the theocrats, he insists. With this sentence, Miller
attempts to link George W. Bush to a theocratic impulse he claims would
lead to the execution of homosexuals. How can we take seriously a man
who argues that promotion of a federal marriage amendment and the
execution of homosexuals are legally, morally, or factually equivalent?

As is true with so much of this literature, the real target of the
attack is evangelical Christianity itself. When Miller accuses the Bush
administration of pushing for theocracy "by loading the judiciary branch
with jurists who would gladly serve a 'Christian' order," he singles out
Judge Charles Pickering of Mississippi as an example, noting that this
Bush nominee "was president of the Southern Baptists in that state,
allying himself with the 'inerrantists' who read the Bible as a factual
history from the mouth of God." According to Miller's worldview, belief
in an inspired Scripture is evidence of insanity, extremism, and
insipient theocracy.

A final example of this liberal animus toward Christianity is Ron
Suskind's cover article in the October 17, 2004 edition of The New York
Times Magazine. Suskind, author of the much criticized The Price of
Loyalty, George W. Bush, the White House and the Education of Paul
O'Neill, accuses President Bush of running a "faith-based presidency"
closed to debate and given to extremism. According to Suskind's
conspiracy theory, Bush had harbored faith-based ambitions throughout
the early months of his administration, but the terrorist attacks of
September 11 afforded him the opportunity to seize the moment for his
agenda.

Looking at the President's address to the joint session of Congress on
September 20, 2001, Suskind claims, "This is where the faith-based
presidency truly takes shape. Faith, which for months had been coloring
his decision-making process and a host of political tactics--think of
his address to the nation on stem-cell research--now began to guide
events. It was the most natural ascension: George W. Bush turning to
faith in his darkest moment and discovering a wellspring of power and
confidence."

In the end Suskind's main lament is that President Bush is a
conservative and a Christian. He portrays as tragedy the fact that
President Bush did not follow the advice of liberal religious figures
and advisors. He condescendingly considers what might have happened if
the President had chosen what he sees as the better path. Nevertheless,
Suskind intends to send the nation a warning:  There is a faith-based
lunatic in the White House, so be very scared.

These books and articles share a common animus toward biblical
Christianity and represent a chilling reflection of the secularist
worldview that dominates America's cultural and academic elites.

According to their worldview, poor deluded souls like George W. Bush who
believe in "binaries" like good and evil are both pitiable and
dangerous. At the same time, these authors have done us a service by
reminding us all what is really at stake on November 2.

____________________________________

R. Albert Mohler, Jr. is president of The Southern Baptist Theological
Seminary in Louisville, Kentucky.  For more articles and resources by
Dr. Mohler, and for information on The Albert Mohler Program, a daily
national radio program broadcast on the Salem Radio Network, go to
www.albertmohler.com.  For information on The Southern Baptist
Theological Seminary, go to www.sbts.edu.  Send feedback to
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