( excerpted from a loner article )


There's No False Choice  on Iran
The consequence of a weak  president.
by Fred Barnes
06/29/2009


Rejecting "false choices" is a favorite rhetorical device of President
Obama.  His speeches are littered with examples. A half-dozen times, he's
repudiated  "the false choice between our security and our ideals." He's 
dismissed
"the  false choice between sound science and moral values." He's not only
disposed of  "the false choice between securing this nation and wasting
billions of taxpayer  dollars," he's laid to rest the clash between those who'd
"conserve our  resources" and those who'd "profit from these natural
resources."
But confronted by a popular revolt in Iran, Obama has succumbed to a false
choice. Either support the democratic forces in Iran aligned against the
rigged  presidential election or preserve his chance to negotiate with the
Ahmadinejad  regime for a nuclear arms deal--one or the other. The president
thinks he's  stuck with a dilemma. He's not. The two options aren't mutually
exclusive. The  choice is indeed false.
To escape his predicament, Obama has sought neutrality between a
discredited  regime and democratic protesters. This actually helps the regime, 
since
President Ahmadinejad and the mullahs don't need Obama's support. The
protesters  do. In effect, Obama has tilted in favor of the regime. The result 
is
personal  shame (for Obama) and policy shame (for the United States).
The president should know better.

It's worth a try, unless we are to believe, as Obama seems to, that
Ahmadinejad and the mullahs could be more hostile than they are now. Not likely.
Is it even conceivable they are so sensitive to public criticism, so touchy,
 that they'd be prompted to spurn serious negotiations they might otherwise
have  agreed to? No.
The latest round of pandering by Obama hasn't worked. The day after
Ahmadinejad's reelection, amid indications of voting fraud, the White House
issued a statement. "We were impressed by the vigorous debate" in the election
and will be monitoring "irregularities," Robert Gibbs said, as if he were
commenting on a Chicago alderman's election.

Two days later, Obama said he is "troubled .  .  . whenever I see
violence  perpetrated on people who are peacefully dissenting." He neglected to
identify  the perpetrators of the violence. Obama added he hopes "whatever
investigations"  of the fraud charges ensue "are done in a way that is not
resulting in  bloodshed."
The next day, with hordes of demonstrators in the streets of Tehran and
other  Iranian cities, Obama insisted, "it's not productive, given the history
of  U.S.-Iranian relations, to be seen as meddling, the U.S. president
meddling in  Iranian elections." Besides, he said Khamenei "indicates he
understands the  Iranian people have deep concerns about the election." Less 
than
three days  later, he declared the election results legitimate.

Obama has a very broad definition of "meddling." It includes any expression
 by him of support for the Iranian protesters, many of them pro-American
and  eager for his backing.

A day later, Obama made an egregious mistake. He suggested there's no
difference on policy between Ahmadinejad and his presidential rival,
Mir-Husseini Mousavi. Once again, that was helpful to Ahmadinejad. If the two  
are
peas in a pod, what's all the fuss about? No reason to meddle, for  sure.

In fact, there are significant differences. Mousavi leads the forces of 
reform and democracy. Ahmadinejad leads the forces of theocracy and
repression.  Mousavi wants to improve relations with the United States and says 
the
matter of  a nuclear weaponized Iran is "negotiable." Ahmadinejad has "shut
the door" on  both.

When Navy sharpshooters, with Obama's permission, shot Somali pirates and
rescued an American ship captain, the president got well-deserved credit for
 smooth handling of a minor emergency. He was active and energetic when the
 stakes were small.
In Iran, the stakes are large, though you wouldn't know it from Obama's 
passive and ineffective response. He acts as if his choice of what to do in
Iran  is too difficult, too fraught with danger, for him to decide. It's not.
A  stronger president would see the choice as false.
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