November 16, 2009  
Obama's Malpractice
By _Robert  Samuelson_ 
(http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/author/robert_samuelson/) 

WASHINGTON -- There is an air of absurdity to what is mistakenly called  
"health care reform." Everyone knows that the United States faces massive  
governmental budget deficits as far as calculators can project, driven heavily  
by an aging population and uncontrolled health costs. Recovering slowly 
from a  devastating recession, it's widely agreed that, though deficits should 
not be  cut abruptly (lest the economy resume its slump), a prudent society 
would embark  on long-term policies to control health costs, reduce 
government spending, and  curb massive future deficits. The administration 
estimates 
these at $9 trillion  from 2010 to 2019. The president and all his top 
economic advisers proclaim the  same cautionary message. 
So, what do they do? Just the opposite. Their sweeping overhaul of the 
health  care system -- which Congress is halfway toward enacting -- would 
almost 
 certainly make matters worse. It would create new, open-ended medical  
entitlements that threaten higher deficits and would do little to suppress  
surging health costs. The disconnect between what President Obama says and what 
 he's doing is so glaring that most people could not abide it. The 
president, his  advisers and allies have no trouble. But reconciling blatantly 
contradictory  objectives requires them to engage in willful self-deception, 
public dishonesty,  or both. 
 







The campaign to pass Obama's health care plan has assumed a false, though  
understandable, cloak of moral superiority. It's understandable because 
almost  everyone thinks that people in need of essential medical care should 
get 
it;  ideally, everyone would have health insurance. The pursuit of these 
worthy goals  can easily be projected as a high-minded exercise for the public 
good. 
It's false for two reasons. First, the country has other goals -- including 
 preventing future financial crises and minimizing the crushing effects of 
high  deficits or taxes on the economy and younger Americans -- that "health 
care  reform" would jeopardize. And second, the benefits of "reform" are 
exaggerated.  Sure, many Americans would feel less fearful about losing 
insurance; but there  are cheaper ways to limit insecurity. Meanwhile, 
improvements in health for  today's uninsured would be modest. They already 
receive 
substantial medical  care. Insurance would help some individuals enormously, 
but studies find that,  on average, gains are moderate. Despite using more 
health services, people don't  automatically become healthier. 
The pretense of moral superiority further erodes before all the expedient  
deceptions used to sell Obama's health care agenda. The president says he 
won't  sign legislation that adds to the deficit. One way to accomplish this 
is to put  costs outside the legislation. So: Doctors have long complained 
that their  Medicare reimbursements are too low; the fix for replacing the 
present formula  would cost $210 billion over a decade, estimates the 
Congressional Budget  Office. That cost was originally in the "health reform" 
legislation. Now, it's  been moved to another bill, but because there's no 
means to 
pay for it (higher  taxes or spending cuts), deficits would increase. 
Another way to disguise the costs is to count savings that, though they 
exist  on paper, would probably never be realized in practice. So: The House 
bill is  credited with reductions in Medicare reimbursements for hospitals and 
other  providers of $228 billion over a decade. But Congress has often 
prescribed  reimbursement cuts that, under pressure from squeezed providers, it 
has later  rescinded. Claims of "fiscal responsibility" for the health care 
proposals  reflect "assumptions that are totally unrealistic based on past 
history," says  David Walker, former U.S. comptroller general and now head of 
the Peter G.  Peterson Foundation. 
Equally misleading, Obama's top economic advisers assert that the present  
proposals would slow the growth of overall national health spending. Outside 
 studies disagree. Three studies (two by the consulting firm the Lewin 
Group for  the Peterson Foundation and one by the Centers for Medicare & 
Medicaid  Services, a federal agency) conclude that various congressional plans 
would  increase national health spending compared to no legislation. The  
studies variously estimate the extra spending, over the next decade, would be  
$750 billion, $525 billion and $114 billion. The reasoning: Greater use of t
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