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Monday, November 23, 2009 
Tibet thrown under the bus
 

William C. Triplett II 
Buried in a very long joint statement by President Obama and President Hu  
Jintao of the People's Republic of China is the following declaration by the 
 American president:  
"We did note that while we recognize that Tibet is part of the People's  
Republic of China, the United States supports the early resumption of dialogue 
 between the Chinese government and representatives of the Dalai Lama to 
resolve  any concerns and differences that the two sides may have."  
The magic words are "we recognize that Tibet is part of the People's 
Republic  of China." Although the State Department has stated these words or 
similar ones  for decades, so far as anyone can discover, this is the first 
time 
an American  president has ever made such a statement in public, before the 
television  cameras of the world's press. Beijing is trumpeting the Obama 
declaration with  lead articles in People's Daily, the Chinese Communist Party 
newspaper.  
Mr. Obama was probably not a volunteer on this subject. On Nov. 6, the 
South  China Morning Post reported that having the American president say these 
words  in public was the No. 1 priority of the Chinese side for the Obama-Hu 
meetings.  They got what they wanted. The comforting words about resuming 
dialogue with his  holiness the Dalai Lama was a small price to pay since 
Beijing controls the  dialogue.  
What's going on here? Why does this matter so vitally to the Chinese  
Communist Party? Do they just want to humiliate the American president? That 
may  
be part of it, but the matter really tracks back 59 years to unfinished  
business.  
In the fall of 1950 the party's military arm, the People's Liberation Army, 
 invaded and occupied Tibet. It was the largest military conquest since 
World War  II. Even before China became a nuclear power in the 1960s, no 
outsider or group  of outsiders was going to throw them out. But the legitimacy 
of 
the Chinese  Communist Party's claim to Tibet has always been an underlying 
issue.  
Beginning in 1987 the Chinese had a setback. After a brutal crackdown in  
Lhasa in which the photograph of a dead Tibetan child in his grief-stricken  
father's arms appeared on the front pages of American newspapers, the 
American  Congress passed a resolution taking note of the 1950 invasion and 
occupation of  Tibet.  
Since you can't invade and conquer your own country, the Congress had  
recognized the independence of Tibet. Resolutions passed in the early 1990s 
made 
 that even more explicit and can be found on the International Campaign for 
Tibet  Web site.  
Foreign observers in Tibet reported the joy by which these resolutions were 
 read aloud and passed from hand to hand. In essence, the legislative 
branch of  the U.S. government had a different policy on Tibet than the 
executive 
branch.  
The issue has percolated in U.S.-Chinese relations for more than 20 years 
but  just recently it has risen to the top on Beijing's agenda list. Why now? 
 
First, because of the American debt to Beijing, they have the power to 
force  the issue. Up to this point, American presidents had artfully dodged the 
issue.  In 1986, President Reagan signed a piece of minor trade legislation 
he might not  have read that included the acknowledgement of Beijing's 
rights to Tibet. But no  American president, until now, had been forced to walk 
the plank in public.  
Second, on the timing issue, it may be an issue of water. All the major  
rivers of Asia arise in Tibet and countries in the neighborhood have long been 
 concerned that Beijing would divert the flow to China or use water as a  
political weapon. Just this year the Chinese began building dams on the Tibet 
 Plateau, and lying about it to the Indian government. Perhaps a 
coincidence,  perhaps not.  
The ball is now in the Congress' court. Rep. Tom Lantos and Sen. Jesse 
Helms,  two leading congressional supporters of the Tibetan people, have passed 
from the  scene. A Democratic Congress is unlikely to embarrass the White 
House by passing  a new resolution denying Beijing's claim to Tibet.  
Unless it is done in the dark of night, it is unlikely that the Congress 
will  pass a resolution reversing their own record on the issue. So, it is 
likely to  remain in limbo for a while, but so long as the Congress has not 
knowingly given  its acquiescence to Beijing's subjugation of the Tibetan 
people, there is hope.  
William C. Triplett II is the former chief Republican counsel to the  
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 
 



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