Reform Judaism  online
 
THE XMAS  MIRROR
Christmas has become a prism through which we Jews  can see ourselves. 
By Joshua Eli Plaut  
hile  for the majority of Americans Christmas is a time to celebrate the 
birth of  Jesus, for Jews it is a time to consider their relationship to the 
wider  society. Some Jews have chosen to adopt the Yuletide festivities. Some 
have  emphatically rejected the rituals and symbols of Christmas. Still 
others have  sought ways to meld Christmas and Chanukah. Christmas, in effect, 
has become a  prism through which, over time, we can view how living in this 
land of  opportunity and freedom has shaped our religion, culture, and  
identity.
In Europe 
For centuries, the Jews of Central and  Eastern Europe feared 
Christmas-time. At any other time, pious Jews would be  studying Torah in the 
synagogue, 
but not on Christmas Eve and Day. Wary of being  attacked in the street, 
they took refuge in their homes, playing cards or chess  with their families. 
The story was different in Western  Europe, where, for the Jewish elite, 
holiday symbols--such as the Christmas  tree--signified secular inclusion in 
society. Affluent German Jews often posed  for portraits with their extended 
families in front of elaborately decorated  Christmas trees. The Viennese 
socialite Fanny Arnstein, a co-founder of the  Music Society of Austria, was 
among the first Jews to introduce a Christmas tree  into the home, an act 
also practiced by none other than the father of modern  Zionism, Theodor Herzl. 
In Berlin, the great scholar of Jewish mysticism and  philosophy, Gershom 
Scholem, grew up in a home that celebrated Christmas "with  roast goose or 
hare, a decorated Christmas tree which my mother bought at the  market by St. 
Peter's Church, and the big distribution of presents for servants,  
relatives, and friends.... An aunt who played the piano treated our cook and  
servant girl to 'Silent Night, Holy Night.'" These celebrations, Scholem  
believed, reflected the view that Christmas was "a German national festival, in 
 the 
celebration of which we joined not as Jews but as Germans." As a young  
adult, Scholem would reject his family's celebration and, instead, attend a  
Maccabee Jewish ball for single Jews in Berlin--a matchmaking idea that has as 
 its modern counterpart the "Matzo Ball," a party for Jewish singles slated 
for  this Christmas Eve in twenty-five cities throughout North  America.
Coming to America 
For most Eastern European Jews, it would  take coming to America to ease 
their fear of Christmastime. At the turn of the  20th century, these new 
immigrants enjoyed the season for what it was--the  national holiday for all 
Americans and a day of rest for the weary worker. But  the holiday was 
evolving, 
triggering a change in how the vast majority of Jews  dealt with the 
Yuletide season. 
As early as the 1870s, Christmas began to  change from essentially a 
religious to a secular national holiday--a process  accelerated by 
commercialization and the custom of gift-giving, which over time  spread from 
the home to 
the school and the workplace. In 1912, New York  displayed the country's 
first community Christmas tree, and that same year, the  cities of Boston and 
Hartford celebrated Christmas with open-air  holiday-oriented concerts. By the 
following year, 160 towns across America had  sponsored similar musical 
events that echoed the patterns of private  celebrations at home and 
church--gifts for the children, decorated Christmas  trees, nativity scenes, 
and the 
spirited singing of Christmas carols. Aglow with  Christmas decorations, 
these city centers infused a celebratory ambience that  dominated the 
landscape; 
for Jews, there was no escape. 
In response, some Jewish families in New  York, San Francisco, Boston, Hot 
Springs, Baltimore, New Orleans, and Toledo  staged their own celebrations 
on the night of December 24. Incorporating both  Christmas and Chanukah 
symbols, regardless if Chanukah fell earlier or later on  the calendar, they 
decorated Christmas trees, exchanged gifts, and hung wreaths  on the doors of 
their homes and stockings on the fireplace. In addition, from  the 1880s to 
the beginning of World War II, American Jews of German descent  hosted 
balls--featuring dinner, dancing, and a concert--for their Jewish friends  on 
Christmas Eve. Opulent celebrations were staged: the grand masquerade ball in  
1876 at Bellevue House, Cincinnati; the Christmas Eve party (on the Jewish  
Sabbath) in 1881 at the Progress Club of New York; the opening ball on Chr
istmas  Day in 1883 at the Apollo Club of Minneapolis; the Christmas Hop at 
Marine's  Hall on Christmas Day in 1885 at the West Chicago Club; and the 
Christmas Soiree  of 1888 at the Concordia Club in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. 
In short, America's new Christmas  consciousness could not be ignored. 
According to a dissertation by Rabbi Kenneth  White, Jews responded in three 
main ways--by accommodation, acceptance, and  rejection--depending on the 
strength of their own religious or cultural  identities, their perception of 
the 
meaningfulness or offensiveness of  Christmas, and their personal desire to 
be fully part of American society. A  fourth response would emerge in the 
latter half of the 20th century--affirming  Jewish identity.
Accommodation And  Acceptance 
Those Jews participating in the tenor of  Christmas without partaking in 
its religious elements would engage in selective  borrowing of Yuletide 
accoutrements, lending a festive spirit to Chanukah by  appropriating 
decorations 
such as garlands, wreaths, and evergreen boughs.  Consider Sinai 
Congregation of Chicago's celebration of Chanukah, as reported in  the December 
27, 
1878 issue of Chicago's Jewish Advance:
The fine Temple was crowded with grown  people and children. The Chanukah 
Tree was brilliantly illuminated with wax  candles. The services commenced 
with the singing of the first stanza of the  Chanukah hymn by the 
Sabbath-school children.
Another example: in 1879, the weekly  national American Israelite, a 
newspaper published in Cincinnati,  reported that New York's Temple Emanu-El 
had 
hosted a Chanukah celebration for  its religious school students:
The Lecture room was decorated with a  profusion of evergreens. Dr. 
Gottheil explained the festival, after which the  children sang the Chanukah 
song. 
Recitations by Mrs. Louis, Miss Judith  Ditternhoefer, Messrs. May and 
Sanger closed the pleasant celebration. Some of  the children having remarked 
that "it looked just like Christmas," Mr. Sanger  addressed a few words to them 
pertinent to the occasion and told the children  that Christmas was not an 
event that should interest them.
So, too, the Sabbath Visitor, a  popular Jewish children's magazine of the 
time, encouraged the decorative use of  evergreens during the Festival of 
Lights. A story in the 1880 edition entitled  "On Last Christmas" describes a 
Jewish family's celebration of Chanukah; home  decorations included pictures 
of Moses and George Washington, a menorah covered  with flowers, and the 
liberal use of wreaths and evergreens. 
Perhaps the most widely appropriated  Christmas custom among Jews was gift 
giving. The 1931 how-to classic What  Every Jewish Woman Should Know, for 
example, included the following  advice:
It is a time hallowed Jewish custom to  distribute gifts in honor of the 
Hanukkah festival. If ever lavishness in gifts  is appropriate, it is on 
Hanukkah. Jewish children should be showered with  gifts, Hanukkah gifts, as a 
perhaps primitive but most effective means of making  them immune against envy 
of the Christian children and their  Christmas. 
And in the late 1950s, says Jewish  ethnographer and historian Jenna 
Joselit, "[c]onsumers were also encouraged to  use a wide range of food 
products 
'lekavod Chanukah' ('in honor of  Chanukah'), from Canada Dry ginger ale and 
Goodman's noodles to Aunt Jemima  pancake flour, 'the best flour for 
latkes,' and Crisco shortening, which  successfully allied 'Chanukah Latkes and 
Modern Science.'" 
Once a Jewish family adopted Christmas  practices (even if devoid of 
Christological meaning) and passed them on from  generation to generation, they 
were not easily abandoned. In San Francisco's  high society, for example, the 
Haas family, originally from Germany, hosted a  large annual family 
Christmas party for more than sixty years. Family member  Frances Bransten 
Rothmann 
remembers those Christmas celebrations  fondly:
I can still smell the fragrant aroma  of fir and pine boughs in the 
crackling fire. I can still sense the excitement  and anticipation as we viewed 
the 
elaborately-wrapped gifts glowing in their  incandescent papers, bows, and 
promises of wishes fulfilled.
Christmas-time Jewish  Traditions 
Even Jews who did not appropriate  Christmas customs, such as displaying a 
tree or exchanging gifts, could not  ignore America's most celebrated 
holiday. As an antidote to feeling excluded  some Jews invented their own 
Christmas-time traditions. Jewish immigrants living  on New York's Lower East 
Side, 
for example, chose in large numbers to spend the  evening in one of the 
city's forty Nickelodeons; thus was born the custom of  Jews going to the 
movies 
on Christmas. In fact, so many Jews turned to movies on  Christmas that in 
1908, facing pressure from Christian leaders, New York Mayor  McClellan 
closed the city's cinemas for the holiday. After one year, however,  the law 
was 
repealed, and movie-going on Christmas continues to our own  day.
Rejection 
Yet, as early as the late 1800s, rabbis  and other influential Jews 
criticized the practice of decorating and displaying  trees in Jewish living 
rooms 
as a shameful blurring of Christian and Jewish  customs. Henrietta Szold, 
for example, then Baltimore correspondent to the  Jewish Messenger, wrote on 
January 10, 1879:
Why need we adopt the Christmas tree,  ridiculously baptized a Chanukah 
bush? Have we not the Menorah, connected so  closely with the visions of the 
prophets and the allegories of the  Bible?
"The December Dilemma" 
This debate over acceptance,  accommodation, and rejection was given a new 
name in the 1950s--"The December  Dilemma." As Rabbi Bertram Korn of 
Congregation Keneseth Israel in Philadelphia  explained in a December 15, 1950 
sermon: 
Every year at this time every  thoughtful and serious Jew faces a problem 
which is intensified at this season:  how we as Jews deal with the popular 
aspects of the majority faith of our  neighbors...how we adjust to the 
temptations of the tinsel and the holly...where  we take our stand as Jews.... 
Indeed, every December, parents across  the US struck private bargains with 
America's Christmas culture. Some resigned  themselves to take their 
children to Macy's department store to sit on Santa's  lap. Others advised sons 
and daughters that it was permissible to sing Christmas  carols in schools, 
providing that one did not vocalize "Jesus" or "Christ." Some  American Jews 
organized against Christmas displays and Bible readings in public  schools. 
But most Jews, reluctant to set themselves apart and afraid to  jeopardize 
the goodwill of their neighbors, acquiesced to religious observances  in the 
public square--that is, until Engel v. Vitale, the landmark 1962  Supreme 
Court decision declaring school prayer unconstitutional, empowered an  
increasing number to protest. In the process, these activists claimed a  
distinctive 
place for Jews in American political culture--as staunch upholders  of the 
separation of church and state. 
What were the consequences for Jews who  embraced Christmas traditions? 
Starting in the 1950s, sociologists conducted a  number of studies. In his 1958 
study of second-generation immigrant Reform Jews  on Chicago's South Side, 
clinical psychologist and rabbi Milton Matz revealed  that in the second 
generation parents often agreed that a Jewish child might  need a Christmas 
tree to "hyphenate the contradiction between his Americanism  and his Jewish 
ethnicism." Matz's study also demonstrated that members of the  third 
generation were increasingly likely to recognize the inherent  contradiction in 
adopting the religious symbols of another group; they would  eventually give up 
the Christmas tree and find other ways of expressing their  acculturation 
into American society.  
Sure enough, in a 1993 study Stanford  religious studies professor Arnold 
M. Eisen validated Matz's findings,  demonstrating that the majority of 
American Jews no longer had Christmas trees;  in 82 percent of entirely Jewish 
households, a Christmas tree had never been  displayed. So too, sociologist 
Marshal Sklare's research in the 1950s and '60s  on second- and 
third-generation Jews established that Chanukah--formerly a  "minor" Jewish 
holiday--had 
gained in importance when it became the Jewish  alternative for Christmas. 
"Instead of alienating the Jew from the general  culture," wrote Sklare, 
"Hanukkah helps to situate him as a participant in that  culture. Hanukkah, in 
short, becomes for some the Jewish Christmas." Ironically,  by elevating 
Chanukah as a Jewish alternative to Christmas, American Jews had  invented 
their 
own holiday tradition through a Christmas mirror.
The Christmas Mitzvah  Season 
Toward the end of the 20th century, many  third-generation American Jews 
were seeking more authentic Jewish ways to  express their "at-homeness" in 
America during the Yuletide season. One of the  main ways centered on the 
time-honored practice of "doing  mitzvot"--charitable deeds that one's 
Christian 
neighbors were also  expected to do in "the spirit of Christmas." 
Volunteerism conferred equal status  for the volunteers vis-à-vis other 
Americans, 
making them feel like insiders on  a day they might otherwise experience the 
sting of alienation from friends,  neighbors, and colleagues. In so doing, 
they could proudly proclaim Jewish  identity in the face of seasonal 
marginality. 
One such volunteer was the late Albert  Rosen of Milwaukee. He began 
Christmas volunteering on December 24, 1969 after  encountering a man who was 
upset about not being with his family on Christmas  because he had to work. 
"That night," an Associated Press writer would later  write, "Rosen called a 
local radio station and asked the disc jockey to announce  that a Jewish man 
wanted to work for a Christian on Christmas." For the next  twenty-eight years 
Rosen stood in for strangers, doing their jobs on Christmas.  He filled in 
for a police dispatcher, bellman, switchboard operator, television  
reporter, chef, convenience store clerk, radio disc jockey, and a gas station  
attendant--and, as the AP story noted, he would train for each position in  
advance:
The first Christmas was among the  toughest for a man who never drank 
anything stronger than soda pop. He [Rosen]  spent a week apprenticing at 
Sardino's South mixing martinis so bartender John  Volpe, Jr. could have 
Christmas 
off for a change. "He wasn't much of a  mixologist," recalls Volpe, "but he 
was very good with people, a genuine guy."  The bar was mobbed that night 
and a couple of people complained about the  drinks. But Rosen basked in the 
attention from TV and newspaper reporters....His  stint at the Pfister Hotel 
went more smoothly. "He looked like he'd been a  bellman all his life," says 
Richard Ross, the bell captain who trained him. "He  had a nice 
personality, bubbly, upbeat. I would have hired him." Occasionally  Jews asked 
him why 
he would want to ingratiate himself with Christians. "I do  this because I'm 
a Jew," he told them. "Judaism is about being a light unto the  world."
Perhaps the most ironic manifestation of  the Christmas mitzvot phenomenon 
is the Jewish volunteer in a Santa suit.  For more than twenty years, Harvey 
Katz, a lawyer from Glastonbury, Connecticut  and a member of Congregation 
Kol Haverim, delighted children with his cheerful  "ho-ho-ho" at the only 
place in town with a Santa--the Glastonbury Bank and  Trust Company (where he 
served as the first Jewish trustee). Jay Frankston of  New York City also 
took up the role of Santa in 1960, at first to amuse his  children. Later, 
upon discovering that the third floor of the city's main post  office served as 
the storage place for letters addressed to Santa Claus, he  managed to gain 
access to the letters and decided to send telegrams to eight of  the 
children saying, "Santa is coming." Dressed as Santa, Frankston then made  good 
on 
the promise, bringing the delighted children their presents. By 1972, he  
was providing gifts to 150 children. Publicity about Frankston's good deeds  
attracted donations--donations that he, in turn, gave to charitable  
organizations to distribute at Christmas. "Before, Christmas didn't belong to  
me," 
Frankston explained. "Now, Christmas belongs to me." 
Today, thousands upon thousands of  American Jews have become vested in 
Christmas through the doing of  mitzvot--volunteering in soup kitchens and 
hospitals, visiting the  homebound, preparing or delivering Christmas meals, 
buying Christmas presents  for the poor, or substituting for colleagues at 
work. Increasingly, volunteerism  has become an established means of combining 
the Jewish values of tikkun  olam, repairing the world, with the Christmas 
message of bringing joy to the  world. 
Who would have imagined that this  once-feared holiday would become an 
occasion for many American Jews to affirm  their identity with confidence and 
pride, both as Americans and as  Jews?
Rabbi Joshua Eli Plaut, Ph.D., a  historian, photoethnographer, and 
cultural anthropologist, is author of the  forthcoming book, Silent Night? 
Being 
Jewish at Christmas Time in America:  Proclaiming Identity in the Face of 
Seasonal Marginality and executive director  of the American Friends of Rabin 
Medical Center. He welcomes unusual  Christmas-time Jewish traditions and 
stories 
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