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    *   December 17, 2009

 
 
 
A Crisis Is a Terrible Thing to Waste
This should have been the year of radical financial reform
By _Paul Barrett_ (http://www.businessweek.com/print/bios/Paul_Barrett.htm) 
  
In 2009 we wasted a perfectly good financial crisis.  
With disastrous economic events accumulating in March, President Barack 
Obama  exhorted listeners during a weekly radio talk to "discover great 
opportunity in  the midst of great crisis." It's an appealing conceit: seeking 
breakthrough  achievement in a time of danger.  
That's why it's such a shame we didn't take advantage of the Wall Street  
crisis of 2008 by making 2009 the Year of Real Financial Reform.  
Instead, the Obama Administration offered half-measures. The financiers  
lobbied against even modest reforms, and a Congress drenched in Wall Street  
campaign cash has peppered proposed regulation with loopholes. At a 
conference  in the U.K. on Dec. 8, Paul A. Volcker, the former chairman of the 
Federal  Reserve and an Obama adviser, addressed an audience of bankers and 
executives  who were insisting that Wall Street and big corporations can police 
themselves,  without more government scrutiny. "Wake up, gentlemen," Volcker 
said, according  to media reports. "Your response is inadequate."  
The warning applies to regulators and politicians as well. The crisis of 
2008  offered a once-in-a-lifetime opening to overhaul the U.S. financial 
engine. It's  a machine that can do much good by raising and allotting capital 
and much damage  when allowed to run unchecked. Now, as stock markets recover 
and bank earnings  bounce back, mass amnesia has set in. Political momentum 
has waned. Financial  reform legislation is getting weaker by the week. And 
Goldman Sachs Chief  Executive Lloyd C. Blankfein says we should be 
grateful to investment bankers  for "doing God's work."  
The most fundamental failure has been the Administration's unwillingness to 
 take seriously the murmurings of that shrewd old giant, Mr. Volcker, who 
wants  to reverse course on bank gigantism. In the 1990s, Wall Street 
convinced both  political parties that combining all manner of financial 
services 
into  unfathomable Goliaths was necessary in a global economy. Poof went the  
safeguards instituted in the wake of the Great Depression separating the  
public-utility-like functions of the financial system—customer deposits,  
conventional commercial loans, and so on—and the casino of investment banking  
and high-stakes trading. The consolidation accelerated a race for hugeness 
that  gave us institutions that are "too big to fail": basket cases like 
Citigroup (_C_ 
(http://investing.businessweek.com/research/stocks/snapshot/snapshot.asp?symbol=C)
 ) and risk factories like American International Group  
and Goldman. Without hundreds of billions of taxpayer rescue dollars flooding  
the markets, all of these firms, and many more, might have collapsed, 
bringing  on Great Depression—The Sequel.  
With popular skepticism toward Wall Street at a peak in early 2009, our  
political and business leaders did...nowhere near enough. The White House 
bought  the Wall Street line that bigger is better, or at least unavoidable. 
Now 
the  banks are larger and more intricate than ever. As The Wall Street  
Journal noted recently, the world's 10 biggest banks account for about  70% of 
global banking assets, up from 59% three years ago.  
Maybe we'll eventually see new requirements for larger capital cushions at  
individual banks to absorb future losses. Maybe we'll see the establishment 
of a  new bank-subsidized rescue fund to cover the costs of potential 
failures. We  could even get greater regulatory authority to block certain bank 
mergers. But  the too-big-to-fail mammoths are still just that. The implicit 
taxpayer safety  net—now explicit—means that some bankers almost certainly 
will engage in the  kind of risk-taking that brought us the subprime fiasco. 
Why not? Someone else  will clean up the mess.  
The tame alternative to real regulation is greater transparency. And, yes, 
we  will have more disclosure of credit-derivatives trading. These are the 
insurance  policies against bond defaults that helped tempt Wall Street to 
ratchet risk up  to unprecedented levels. But with derivatives, as with bank 
heft, the  politicians have bought what Wall Street is selling.  
Lawmakers backed away from any serious attempt to slow the invention of 
novel  exotic trades whose side effects few, if any, really understand. My 
colleagues  at Bloomberg News have lately reported that some of the very same 
geniuses who  brought us toxic credit-default swaps are now angling to juice 
the  carbon-trading market with climate-change derivatives. If the pilfered 
e-mails  from squirrelly British scientists weren't enough to cast doubt on 
the campaign  against global warming, greenhouse-gas swaps surely will do the 
trick.  
The list of missed opportunities is too long for one humane sitting. I'll  
wrap up with lawmakers' mishandling of the credit-rating scandal. Moody's,  
Standard & Poor's, and Fitch played a major role in the crisis by  
rubber-stamping their triple-A approval on mountains of mortgage-backed bonds  
that 
went bad. These companies enjoy their lucrative oligopoly only because of a  
publicly sanctioned system requiring mutual funds and money managers to buy  
securities given high ratings by the Big Three. But there's a rank conflict 
of  interest: The issuers of bonds pay the credit agencies to rate the 
bonds. Why we  take the ratings seriously remains one of the great mysteries of 
the financial  world.  
Congress roughed up some rating-agency executives at hearings and may yet  
require more disclosure here, too. But the basic conflict persists. Genuine  
reform fizzled. We'll regret it when the next crisis hits.  
Barrett is an assistant managing editor at BusinessWeek. 

 
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