Asia Times
January 28 , 2010
 
 
Winner of Google-China feud is -  India
By Peter Lee 

Google isn't doing well in China,  and President Barack Obama isn't doing 
well in the United States. These twin  realities have helped trigger a 
high-profile confrontation with China.  

On January 12, Google responded to a sophisticated hack of its Google.cn  
servers, apparently emanating from within China, with the threat that it 
would  stop filtering its Google.cn search results in compliance with the 
demands of  the Chinese government, even if that meant Google would have to 
close 
its China  operations. 

Google's high-profile response will contribute, perhaps  inadvertently, to 
fraught broader US-China relations in the coming

year. Inevitably, the attractiveness of  China's emerging rival, India, as 
a market for Google and ally for the United  States will enter into the mix. 

In contrast to its also-ran status  behind Baidu in China for search 
engines, the travails of its Youtube service as  a frequently-blocked avenue 
for 
dissent inside China and the absence of a social  networking option inside 
the People's Republic of China), Google enjoys an  overwhelming market share 
for its search engine, media and networking business  in India. 

In India, 89% of Internet searches go through Google, 68% of  India's 
social networking occurs on Google's Orkut service, and 82% of media is  viewed 
on Youtube, according to the Internet marketing research company  
comscore.com. Astonishingly, Indian users spend almost 30% of their entire  
online time 
on Google sites - three times the world's average.  

Ironically - or, perhaps, hypocritically, given its stalwart  
anti-censorship position in China - Google censors its search engine results in 
 India to 
conform to Indian laws (for instance, banning search results for  pre-natal 
sex testing) [1] and cooperates with Indian police to identify  political 
malcontents for arrest in response to their Orkut postings. [2]  

Google's high-profile demolition of its relationship with China may not  
simply be a matter of outrage at the hacking of pro-democracy e-mails.  

Bruce Schneier, a well-known US cyber security expert, made waves in the  
IT community with an op-ed on CNN on January 23 [3] asserting that the e-mail 
 hacker had obtained the e-mail information by accessing Google's own 
internal  intercept system - a program designed to enable Google to collect 
user  
information in response to US government demands. 

If this is the case,  the e-mail hack is more of an embarrassment for 
Google than anything else: an  indication that Google had not only created the 
application to enable  governments to spy on e-mail accounts, it had done such 
a poor job of protecting  it that it could be hijacked by malicious 
parties. 

The actual  significance of the e-mail hack is open to question. 

Only a handful of  accounts were accessed, and apparently yielded no more 
information than the kind  that the US government is supposed to get in 
response to a subpoena: account  information and subject line. No message text 
was compromised, according to  Google. 

In a January 21 conference call with financial analysts, Google  executive 
Eric Schmidt stated that Google wasn't even sure that the e-mail  intrusion 
was related to the larger hack, now known as the Aurora exploit.  

Aurora was a sophisticated, simultaneous industry-wide penetration of  
sensitive computers at Google, Adobe and perhaps more than two dozen other  
Silicon Valley companies, possibly a "zero day" attack intended to exploit an  
intrinsic weakness in Internet Explorer (IE) for maximum effect before the  
attack itself compelled Microsoft to issue a patch to plug the leak. 

The  target of this multi-front blitzkrieg was apparently a quest for IT's 
crown  jewels - source code. 

This cyber-sparring between Western high-tech  companies and Chinese 
hackers is a historical albeit worrisome feature of the  complicated 
relationship 
between US IT companies and the large Chinese market  they hope to serve. 

The large scale and synchronized timing of the  assault has caused the 
target companies to point the finger, albeit gingerly and  with caveats, 
directly at the Chinese government. 

It is an open question  whether the scale of the attack reflects Chinese 
government involvement, or an  awareness of the transient nature of IE 
vulnerability and the resultant desire  of networked private or semi-private 
Chinese hackers to exploit the flaw  massively before it could be discovered 
and 
repaired. 

Another anxious  aspect was added to the case as rumors spread that Google 
suspected that a  Chinese employee of its organization inside China may have 
facilitated Aurora's  intrusion onto a computer with administrative 
privileges, thereby opening  significant domains of the Google realm to 
inspection 
and downloading by the  hackers. 

However, Google took an important and inflammatory step of  escalating its 
conflict with China by using the e-mail hack against democracy  advocates to 
wrap itself in a human-rights flag. As a result, its threat to stop  
censoring its Google.cn search engine in retaliation for the hacks has become a 
 
cause celebre for free speech and Internet-rights activists. 

This  cause has been taken up by the US government. 

The Obama administration  is smarting from its devastating political defeat 
in the Massachusetts senate  election, a defeat that has removed the 
Democrat Party's supermajority and put  it on track for possible electoral 
catastrophe at November's mid-term  congressional elections - unless it can 
rally 
its disaffected base of liberal  and progressive voters. Thus, Obama's 
government is set to embark on a populist  anti-banking campaign inside the US 
and 
a crowd-pleasing anti-China campaign  internationally. 

Google's emergence as a champion of Internet openness  is, in a certain 
sense, rather ironic. Its data-collection capabilities extend  from cookies to 
click-logging, which involves the recording of a user's search  terms for 
two years and has aroused the concern of the European Union, the US  
government and privacy advocates. The tools are likely the envy of China's busy 
 
public and Internet security monitors. 

Google is no stranger to  cooperation with security services in the United 
States as well as abroad.  

Google has an intimate relationship with the US intelligence community.  It 
acquired one of its signature services - Google Earth - from the Central  
Intelligence Agency's acknowledged not-for-profit venture capital arm, 
In-Q-Tel.  As part of a one-hand-washes-the-other synergism between the private 
and public  sector, In-Q-Tel's director of technology assessment, Rob Painter, 
moved to  Google in 2005 to become chief technologist for federal business. 
His main job:  selling Google Earth imagery back to the government. 

The company itself  is secretive not only about the precious algorithm that 
drives its world-beating  search engine, but about everything else. Despite 
enjoying the benefits of being  a publicly-traded company, its ownership is 
structured to enable close control  by its founding members. It accumulates 
gigantic amounts of data concerning its  users - including information from 
the over 75 billion Google searches, 10  billion Youtube views and hundreds 
of millions of Doubleclick ad page views per  month they undertake - so it 
can target them with advertising tailored to their  needs and weaknesses. 

In an unintentionally ironic twist, Google chief  executive officer Eric 
Schmidt turned the company's ballyhooed motto - Don't Be  Evil - into a 
warning to Google's users in an interview with CNBC in December  2009. [4] 

"If you have something that you don't want anyone to know,  maybe you 
shouldn't be doing it in the first place," Schmidt said. "If you  really need 
that kind of privacy, the reality is that search engines - including  Google - 
do retain this information for some time and it's important, for  example, 
that we are all subject in the United States to the Patriot Act and it  is 
possible that all that information could be made available to the  
authorities." 

Google is committed to an open Internet because this  provides the maximum 
leverage for its competitive advantage as the pre-eminent  search engine. 
Google also relies on the open Internet to allow it to collect  the full 
spectrum of data that allows it to characterize and exploit the  monetary 
potential of its users. 

The one area in which Google cannot  tolerate openness is in the one area 
the hackers targeted: the secrets of its  search engine. 

It would not be surprising if Google decided to make a  public issue of the 
December 2009 intrusions in order to get the Chinese  government to crack 
down on hackers within its borders, be they public or  private actors. 

Perhaps it discounted the risk of Chinese displeasure  with the 
rationalization that, ultimately, Google's future probably lies in  India, not 
China. 

It doesn't appear that Google stirred the China  pot with very much 
forethought. According to an inside account [5], following an  urgent Christmas 
Eve 
confab convened by Google founder Larry Page, the situation  percolated for 
three weeks before Google made its shock announcement on January  12. 

Google's industry and international associates were apparently not  in the 
loop. 

Bill Gates of Microsoft and John Chambers, chief executive  officer of 
Cisco Systems, went public with statements dismissing Google's  sensitivities 
on 
the Aurora hack. 

India was unprepared to do anything  more than respond with vague 
generalities concerning the openness of its Internet and its  suitability as a 
partner for Google. 

One may wonder if Google  anticipated the diplomatic firestorm it would 
ignite by going public with its  conflict with China. 

In the January 21 conference call, Google's  Eric Schmidt stated his desire 
to remain in China. Indeed, there are reports of  negotiations concerning 
modifications to the filtering restrictions under which  Google search  
engine works in China. 

Even if Google embarked on this  path with the limited objective of 
leveraging international indignation over the  hack into concessions by the 
Chinese 
authorities to relax the Google.cn search  engine filtering regime in a 
meaningful way (thereby earning Google human-rights  credibility and 
positioning Google.cn as a service returning superior in-China  results 
compared to 
its nemesis, Baidu), that ship has probably sailed.  

Simply walking back the tense situation and negotiating some kind of  
symbolic, face-saving compromise on filtering of search-engine results may also 
 
be out of reach, thanks to the rapid escalation of political rhetoric by the 
 Obama administration. 

In a speech in Washington on January 21, Secretary  of State Hillary 
Clinton planted the US government flag as champion of the "right to  connect" 
to 
an open Internet. Echoing the phrase of British statesman Winston  Churchill 
that announced the beginning of the Cold War between the Soviet Union  and 
the West, she talked of an "information curtain" (rather than an iron  
curtain) descending across the world at the behest of totalitarian regimes.  

Clearly, the lengthy speech was prepared long in advance to burnish  
America's information age luster. Equally clear was the fact that one paragraph 
 
was inserted about the Google case at the last minute. 

Clinton issued a  call that the Chinese government investigate the Google 
case "transparently",  implying in effect that China had a responsibility to 
mollify foreign  stakeholders based on Google's so far undocumented public 
assertions:  
And we look to the Chinese authorities to conduct a thorough  review of the 
cyber intrusions that led Google to make its announcement. And  we also 
look for that investigation and its results to be  transparent.
Open-society advocates lauded the tough American  approach, even as IT 
professionals pointed out the awkward fact that the US  itself embargoes 
Internet software - including Google's Chrome browser - to deny  the benefits 
of 
Internet openness to users within  Syria, Sudan and other countries. 

The Chinese government - which has  labored mightily to create an 
international regime in which China is an  acknowledged superpower and not the 
target 
of condescending and embarrassing  demands for transparency - responded 
with predictable heat. 

China's  Ministry of Foreign Relations denounced Clinton's call, stating, 
"We urge the US  to respect facts and stop attacking China under the excuse 
of the so-called  freedom of Internet." 

China's Global Times accused the United States of  "information 
imperialism". 

According to an Associated Press report [7],  the US government seems 
willing to up the ante:  
Washington, meanwhile, carried its message on Internet freedom  directly to 
Chinese bloggers. The US Embassy in Beijing and consulates in  Shanghai and 
Guangzhou hosted Internet-streamed discussions with members of  the 
blogging community on Friday afternoon - the latest  example of Washington's 
outreach to Chinese bloggers as a way of spreading its  message. 

The bloggers met with US diplomats from the political,  economic and public 
affairs sections, who held discussions and answered  questions about 
Clinton's speech. The meetings were similar to a session  organized during 
Obama's 
visit to China in November.
It would appear  that nothing good for US-China relations will come of 
this. Perhaps the United  States doesn't care too much. 

In a widely-linked comment entitled "The  Google news : China enters its 
Bush-Cheney era" [8], the Atlantic Monthly's  James Fallows saw the Google 
case as a regrettable hardening of Chinese  attitudes towards the US just as 
America was entering the halcyon period of the  Obama administration. 

It is more likely that the Obama administration,  with the world financial 
system stabilized and Chinese goodwill a less vital  commodity than before, 
and its own political fortunes in jeopardy, has found it  politically 
expedient and feasible to harden towards China. 

The fallout  will perhaps be an accelerated slide by Google - and the 
United States - into  the Indian camp. 

Notes
1.) _Indian  Politician Wants Ban On Google India Website_ 
(http://www.labnol.org/internet/politician-wants-ban-on-google-india/11465/) , 
Dec 4, 2009, 
labnol.org
2.)  _Google and  India Test the Limits of Liberty_ 
(http://online.wsj.com/article/SB126239086161213013.html) , Jan 4, 2010, 
online.wsj.com).
3.) _US  enables Chinese hacking of Google_ 
(http://edition.cnn.com/2010/OPINION/01/23/schneier.google.hacking/index.html) 
, edition.cnn.com
4.) _Google chief:  Only miscreants worry about net privacy_ 
(http://www.theregister.co.uk/2009/12/07/schmidt_on_privacy/) , Dec 7, 2009,  
theregister.co.uk.
5.) _Google  attack part of widespread spying effort_ 
(http://www.computerworld.com/s/article/9144221/Google_attack_part_of_widespread_spying_effort)
 , 
Jan 13, 2010,  computerworld.com)
6.) _Remarks on Internet  Freedom_ 
(http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/01/135519.htm) , Jan 21, 2010, 
state.gov 7.) _China  Slams Clinton's 
Internet Speech: 'Information Imperialism'_ 
(http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/01/22/china-slams-clintons-inte_n_432691.html)
 , Jan 22, 2010,  
huffingtonpost.com)
8.) _The  Google news: China enters its Bush-Cheney era_ 
(http://jamesfallows.theatlantic.com/archives/2010/01/first_reactions_on_google_and.php)
 ,Jan 
12, 2010,  jamesfallows.theatlantic.com)
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