Full of caveats, and a long shot, but still the most hopeful and plausible 
scenario I've seen in decades (which admittedly isn't saying much)...

-- Ernie P.

Iran Revolution's End Will Be Heard Around World - WSJ.com
http://bit.ly/aZAUxB

Anti-government demonstrators showed up as scheduled on Iran's streets 
Thursday, commemorating in their own defiant way the 31st anniversary of the 
nation's Islamic revolution. Government forces, meanwhile, worked overtime, and 
apparently with some success, to clamp down on the protesters.

Important as the day's efforts by the dissidents may be, though, their 
significance transcends one day, or one anniversary. It is simply this:

The Iranian revolution in 1979 was the biggest event of the last generation in 
the Middle East, spawning wars and radicalization that have reshaped the region 
and, to some extent, the world. If we're now watching the slow unwinding of 
that revolution, the consequences will be equally momentous.

To be sure, this is a long-term question, not a short-term one. Iran's Islamic 
government in its current form is well-entrenched, and the Revolutionary Guards 
that sustain it are by far the country's most powerful force. The government of 
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has shown that it possesses the most important 
attribute of any imperiled regime, which is the willingness to use brute force 
to quell rebellion.

So it may take years rather than months to know the end result of today's 
grass-roots opposition to the Ahmadinejad government, and there is a distinct 
limit to what the U.S., or any outside force, can do to affect the course of 
opposition within Iran.

Yet slowly, things appear to be changing. For one thing, the world increasingly 
views Iran's mistreatment of its own dissidents as a problem on a par with its 
nuclear program. One small sign of this came Thursday in the U.S. Senate, where 
a bipartisan group of senators unveiled a bill that would compel the Obama 
administration to target economic sanctions on Iran at officials who abuse 
their citizens' human rights, not just at those involved in the country's 
nuclear program.

"The scheme of the bill is straightforward: targeted sanctions against 
human-rights abusers in Iran," said one Senate aide involved in drafting the 
legislation.

Without doubt, the stakes are enormous. The best way to grasp the consequences 
of a potential unwinding of the Islamic revolution in Iran is to consider how 
fundamentally that revolution altered the course of history in the first place.

The 1979 revolution was the event that, more than any other, inspired a rise of 
Islamic fundamentalist sentiment across the Middle East and the larger Islamic 
world. That rise has shaken governments across the region, prompting them to 
alternately accommodate fundamentalists, giving them new power, or to suppress 
them, generating a backlash of sympathy among the populace.

Most notably, the government of Saudi Arabia, in response to both the forces 
unleashed in Iran in 1979 and to an uprising by Islamic radicals at the Grand 
Mosque in Mecca that same year, granted new power, money and freedom to the 
kingdom's conservative clerical establishment. That allowed the most 
conservative elements of the Saudi theocracy to better spread their 
fundamentalist philosophy not just within the country, but to places such as 
Pakistan and Yemen as well, sowing the seeds for troubles that continue to 
erupt.

The rise of Islamic power in Iran also led both the U.S. and rich Arab states 
to bulk up Saddam Hussein in next-door Iraq as a bulwark against the spread of 
Iranian-style revolution. This empowering of Iraq led to the massively 
destructive and expensive eight-year Iran-Iraq war—and also to the cultivation 
of a monster in Saddam Hussein that took two more wars to eliminate.

Further abroad, the Iranian revolution led directly to the creation of the 
Hezbollah armed Islamic movement in Lebanon, which has become a military threat 
to Israel more real than that posed by any surrounding Arab state. Iran's 
revolutionary government also has provided at least inspiration, and some 
funding, over the years to Hamas, which has undermined the secular Palestinian 
movement in the Gaza Strip and threatened it in the West Bank.

More broadly, it's not a stretch to say that the rise of Iranian-inspired 
fundamentalist sentiment in the region led to the growth of the al Qaeda 
extremist movement. Direct relations between Iran and al Qaeda have ranged from 
distant to hostile over the years, because the former is a Shiite Muslim state 
and the latter a Sunni Muslim-dominated Islamic movement. Still, the U.S. 
government's official commission investigating the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist 
attacks reported at least some minor Iranian assistance to various players in 
the plot.

The point is this: Imagine a world in which an unwinding of Iran's regime 
produced an unwinding of all those ripple effects.

Of course, even the leaders of the Iranian opposition don't want to actually 
undo the Islamic revolution, but rather to reform and democratize it, raising 
questions about how much would really change if they succeed.

Yet the question for U.S. policy makers increasingly will be whether it is 
realistic or mere wishful thinking to suppose Iran's opposition can persist and 
grow. Put another way, what matters most right now isn't precisely how many 
demonstrators turned out in the streets of Tehran on Thursday, but whether the 
tide of history has turned against the Islamic government of Iran, at least in 
the form it has taken for the past 31 years.

—Write to Gerald F. Seib at [email protected] in The Wall Street 
Journal, page A2
Copyright 2009 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved

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