(http://www.nytimes.com/) 


 
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April 19, 2010
Op-Ed Columnist
Looters in Loafers 
By _PAUL KRUGMAN_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/opinion/editorialsandoped/oped/columnists/paulkrugman/index.html?inline=nyt-per)
 
 
Last October, I saw a cartoon by Mike Peters in which a teacher asks a  
student to create a sentence that uses the verb “sacks,” as in looting and  
pillaging. The student replies, “Goldman Sachs.” 
Sure enough, last week the Securities and Exchange Commission accused the  
Gucci-loafer guys at Goldman of engaging in what amounts to white-collar  
looting. 
I’m using the term looting in the sense defined by the economists George  
Akerlof and Paul Romer in a 1993 paper titled “Looting: The Economic 
Underworld  of Bankruptcy for Profit.” That paper, written in the aftermath of 
the  
savings-and-loan crisis of the Reagan years, argued that many of the losses 
in  that crisis were the result of deliberate fraud. 
Was the same true of the current financial crisis?  
Most discussion of the role of fraud in the crisis has focused on two forms 
 of deception: predatory lending and misrepresentation of risks. Clearly, 
some  borrowers were lured into taking out complex, expensive loans they didn’
t  understand — a process facilitated by Bush-era federal regulators, who 
both  failed to curb abusive lending and prevented states from taking action 
on their  own. And for the most part, subprime lenders didn’t hold on to the 
loans they  made. Instead, they sold off the loans to investors, in some 
cases surely  knowing that the potential for future losses was greater than 
the people buying  those loans (or securities backed by the loans) realized. 
What we’re now seeing are accusations of a third form of fraud.  
We’ve known for some time that _Goldman Sachs and other firms_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/24/business/24trading.html)  marketed 
mortgage-backed  
securities even as they sought to make profits by betting that such 
securities  would plunge in value. This practice, however, while arguably 
reprehensible,  wasn’t illegal. But now the S.E.C. is charging that Goldman 
created and 
marketed  securities that were deliberately designed to fail, so that an 
important client  could make money off that failure. That’s what I would call 
looting. 
And Goldman isn’t the only financial firm accused of doing this. According 
to  the Pulitzer-winning investigative journalism Web site ProPublica, 
_several banks_ 
(http://www.propublica.org/feature/all-the-magnetar-trade-how-one-hedge-fund-helped-keep-the-housing-bubble)
  helped market designed-to-fail  
investments on behalf of the hedge fund Magnetar, which was betting on that 
 failure. 
So what role did fraud play in the financial crisis? Neither predatory  
lending nor the selling of mortgages on false pretenses caused the crisis. But  
they surely made it worse, both by helping to inflate the housing bubble 
and by  creating a pool of assets guaranteed to turn into toxic waste once the 
bubble  burst.  
As for the alleged creation of investments designed to fail, these may have 
 magnified losses at the banks that were on the losing side of these deals, 
 deepening the banking crisis that turned the burst housing bubble into an  
economy-wide catastrophe. 
The obvious question is whether financial reform of the kind now being  
contemplated would have prevented some or all of the fraud that now seems to  
have flourished over the past decade. And the answer is yes. 
For one thing, an independent consumer protection bureau could have helped  
limit predatory lending. Another provision in the proposed Senate bill,  
requiring that lenders retain 5 percent of the value of loans they make, would 
 have limited the practice of making bad loans and quickly selling them off 
to  unwary investors. 
It’s less clear whether proposals for derivatives reform — which mainly  
involve requiring that financial instruments like credit default swaps be 
traded  openly and transparently, like ordinary stocks and bonds — would have 
prevented  the alleged abuses by Goldman (although they probably would have 
prevented the  insurer A.I.G. from running wild and requiring a federal 
bailout). What we can  say is that the final draft of financial reform had 
better 
include language that  would prevent this kind of looting — in particular, 
it should block the creation  of “synthetic C.D.O.’s,” cocktails of credit 
default swaps that let investors  take big bets on assets without actually 
owning them. 
The main moral you should draw from the charges against Goldman, though,  
doesn’t involve the fine print of reform; it involves the urgent need to 
change  Wall Street. Listening to financial-industry lobbyists and the 
Republican  politicians who have been huddling with them, you’d think that 
everything 
will  be fine as long as the federal government promises not to do any more 
bailouts.  But that’s totally wrong — and not just because no such promise 
would be  credible. 
For the fact is that much of the financial industry has become a racket — a 
 game in which a handful of people are lavishly paid to mislead and exploit 
 consumers and investors. And if we don’t lower the boom on these 
practices, the  racket will just go on. 
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