...the failures of the 3 leading economic  theories
 
Real Clear Politics
 
June 28, 2010  
Economics Unhinged
By _Robert Samuelson_ 
(http://www.realclearpolitics.com/authors/?author=Robert+Samuelson&id=14456) 

"The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are  
right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood.  
... Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any  
intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct  economist." 
-- English economist John Maynard Keynes (1883-1946)

 
WASHINGTON -- Almost everyone wants the world's governments to do more to  
revive ailing economies. No one wants a "double dip" recession. The G-20 
Summit  in Toronto was determined to avoid one. In major advanced countries -- 
the 31  members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 
--  unemployment now stands at 46 million, up about 50 percent since 2007. 
It's not  just that people lack work. Lengthy unemployment may erode skills, 
leading to  downward mobility or permanent joblessness. But what more can 
governments do?  It's unclear. 
We may be reaching the limits of economics. As Keynes noted, political  
leaders are hostage to the ideas of economists -- living and dead -- and  
economists increasingly disagree about what to do. Granted, the initial 
response  
to the crisis (sharp cuts in interest rates, bank bailouts, stimulus 
spending)  probably averted a depression. But the crisis has also battered the 
logic of all  major economic theories: Keynesianism, monetarism and "rational 
expectations."  The resulting intellectual chaos provides context for today's 
policy disputes at  home and abroad. 
Consider the matter of budgets. Would bigger deficits stimulate the economy 
 and create jobs, as standard Keynesianism suggests? Or do exploding 
government  debts threaten another financial crisis? 
The Keynesian logic seems airtight. If consumer and business spending is  
weak, government raises demand through tax cuts or spending increases. But in 
 practice, governments' high debts impose financial and psychological 
limits. The  ratio of government debt to the economy (gross domestic product) 
is 
92 percent  for _France_ 
(http://realclearworld.com/topic/around_the_world/france/?utm_source=rcw&utm_medium=link&utm_campaign=rcwautolink)
 
,  82 percent for Germany and 83 percent for Britain, reports the Bank for  
International Settlements in Switzerland. 
This means that the benefits of higher deficits can be lost in many ways:  
through higher interest rates if greater debt frightens investors; through  
declines in private spending if consumers and businesses lose confidence in  
governments' ability to control budgets; and through a banking crisis if 
bank  capital -- which consists heavily of government bonds -- declines in 
value.  There's a tug of war between the stimulus of bigger deficits and the 
fears  inspired by bigger deficits. 
Based on favorable assumptions, the Obama administration says its $787  
billion "stimulus" program created or saved up to 2.8 million jobs. This might  
be. Lenders haven't yet lost confidence in U.S. Treasury bonds. Interest 
rates  on 10-year Treasuries are just over 3 percent. But in Europe, financial 
limits  have bitten. _Greece_ 
(http://realclearworld.com/topic/around_the_world/greece/?utm_source=rcw&utm_medium=link&utm_campaign=rcwautolink)
 's  
huge debt (debt-to-GDP ratio: 123 percent) resulted in a steep rise of 
interest  rates. Germany and Britain are both debating plans to cut their 
deficits 
to  avoid Greece's fate. 
That's lunacy, writes Martin Wolf, chief economic commentator for the  
Financial Times. Concerted austerity may destroy the recovery. Exactly, echoes  
Nobel Prize-winning economist and New York Times columnist Paul Krugman, who 
 argues that the U.S. economy needs more stimulus and bigger deficits.  
"Penny-pinching at a time like this ...," he writes, "endangers the nation's  
future." 
Not so, counters Harvard economist Ken Rogoff. President Obama's stimulus  
package may have "helped calm the panic" in 2009, but boosting spending now 
--  with federal deficits exceeding $1 trillion -- raises "the risk of 
having a debt  crisis down the road." Deficits should be gradually trimmed, he 
argues. 
Indeed, some economists believe that budget cutbacks can stimulate economic 
 growth under some circumstances. A study by economists Alberto Alesina and 
 Silvia Ardagna found that budget cutbacks in wealthy countries often had 
an  expansionary effect when spending reductions, not tax increases, were  
emphasized. Presumably, these budget plans favorably influenced interest rates 
 and confidence without weakening the incentives to work and invest. 
Like textbook Keynesianism, "monetarism" has also suffered in its 
explanatory  power. This theory holds that big injections of money ("reserves") 
into 
the  banking system by the Federal Reserve should lead to higher lending, 
higher  spending and -- if large enough -- inflation. Well, since the summer 
of 2008,  the Fed has provided about $1 trillion of reserves to banks, and 
none of these  things has happened. Inflation remains tame, and outstanding 
bank loans have  dropped more than $200 billion in the past year. Banks are 
sitting on massive  excess reserves. 
There's a great deal economists don't understand. Not surprisingly, the  
adherents of "rational expectations" -- a theory that people generally figure  
out how best to respond to economic events -- didn't anticipate financial 
panic  and economic collapse. The disconnect between theory and reality seems 
ominous.  The response to the initial crisis was to throw money -- to lower 
interest rates  and expand budget deficits. But with interest rates now low 
and deficits high,  what happens if there's another crisis? 

 
Copyright 2010, Washington Post Writers  Group
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