GLOBAL VIEW
By BRET STEPHENS        
How to Stop Iran (Without Firing a Shot)
May 16, 2006; Page A15

What can the Bush administration do to persuade Iran's leaders that
their bid to develop nuclear weapons will exact an unacceptable price
on their regime? What can it do, that is, short of launching air
strikes?

Begin by shelving the current approach. For three years, the
administration has deferred to European and U.N. diplomacy while
seeking to build consensus around the idea that a nuclear-armed Iran
poses unacceptable risks to global security. The result: Seven leading
Muslim states, including Pakistan and Indonesia, have joined hands
with Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to affirm his right to
develop "peaceful" nuclear technology. China and Russia have again
rejected calls for U.N. sanctions. The Europeans are again seeking to
sweeten the package of technical, commercial and security incentives
the mullahs rejected last year. And that's just last week's news.

Today, the international community is less intent on stopping Tehran
from getting the bomb than it is on stopping Washington from stopping
Tehran. That's something the administration may not be able to change.
But there are steps it can take independently to alter Iran's
calculations. Here are four.

• Take the diplomatic offensive. "Western countries must push the
internal conflicts inside the Iranian government," says Mehdi Khalaji,
an Iranian journalist and visiting scholar at the Washington Institute
for Near East Policy.

Mr. Khalaji proposes that President Bush write an open letter to
Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, specifying the conditions under which the
U.S. would be prepared to negotiate. By addressing Mr. Khamenei this
way, Mr. Bush would bypass and humiliate Mr. Ahmadinejad, aggravate
the regime's internal frictions and explain to the Iranian people why
theirs is a pariah state.

"The administration could say, 'If you halt enrichment, we can
negotiate. If you stop supporting Hamas and Hezbollah, we can
negotiate. If you release the following political prisoners, we can
negotiate. If you stop meddling in Iraq, we can negotiate.' This would
provoke a controversy inside the government. Some would say, 'OK, we
can give up on these prisoners. We can back away from our relationship
with Hamas. And so on.'"

Mr. Khaliji also urges the U.S. government to recast the content of
its Farsi-language radio station, known as Radio Farda. The station's
programmers, he says, "misunderstand the young generation of Iran,
which is very political. The quality is not appropriate for a serious
audience. The news isn't professional the way the BBC is." Offering a
serious journalistic alternative to the Beeb ought to be an
administration priority.

• Target the regime's financial interests. "In many ways, the Islamic
Republic of Iran has become the Islamic Republic of Iran, Inc.," says
Afshin Molavi, the Iranian-American author of "Persian Pilgrimages."
Between 30% and 50% of Iran's economy is controlled by the bunyad,
so-called "Revolutionary Foundations" run by key regime figures
answerable only to Mr. Khamenei. Hard-line Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdi,
considered to be Mr. Ahmadinejad's spiritual mentor, controls the
sugar monopoly, while former President Ali Rafsanjani is said to be
the richest man in the country.

Since Mr. Ahmadinejad came to power, these ayatollah-oligarchs have
been running for financial cover: Capital outflows from Iran surpassed
the $200 billion mark in the past year alone. Much of that money has
made its way to banks in the United Arab Emirates, many of which have
correspondent banks in the U.S. "We are preventing financial
transactions going to the Palestinian Authority because banks are
scared they'll be hit by U.S. terrorism-financing laws," says a source
who closely tracks the Iranian economy. "Why can't we do the same
thing with Iran?"

• Support an independent labor movement. On May Day, 10,000 workers
took to Tehran's streets to demand the resignation of Iran's labor
minister. And despite last year's $60 billion oil-revenue bonanza, the
Iranian government routinely fails to pay its civil servants, leading
to chronic, spontaneous work stoppages.

Workers' rights got a boost in January when Tehran's bus drivers went
on strike to demand the release of their imprisoned and tortured
leader Mansour Ossanloo. In a state that bans independent labor
unions, the strike was an unprecedented event, calling to mind the
1980 Gdansk dock strike that became Poland's Solidarity movement. That
movement succeeded largely thanks to the support of Lane Kirkland's
AFL-CIO, which in turn received funding from the National Endowment
for Democracy. The same model needs to be energetically applied to
Iran today.

"The neat thing about the labor movement is that wherever it goes,
it's welcomed," says a source familiar with Iranian workers' groups.
"It actually makes America look good."

• Threaten Iran's gasoline supply. Iran is often said to have an oil
weapon pointed at George Bush's head. Rob Andrews, a Democratic
congressman from New Jersey, notes the reverse is closer to the truth:
Because Iran lacks refining capacity, it must import 40% of its
gasoline. Of that amount, fully 60% is handled by a single company,
Rotterdam-based Vitol, which has strategic storage and blending
facilities in the UAE. The regime also spends $3 billion a year to
subsidize below-market gas prices.

With Illinois Republican Mark Kirk, Mr. Andrews has introduced
legislation calling for the quarantine of gasoline imports should Iran
continue to flout Security Council resolutions. "If gas prices were to
soar in Iran," he says, "the regime would be destabilized, the
possibility of internal change would increase and the regime would
find a way to back away from the precipice."

One objection: A gas quarantine may require the naval blockade of
Iranian ports, which is legally tantamount to an act of war. Not a
problem, says Mr. Andrews: "I think the development of a nuclear
weapon in violation of an international treaty is an act of war, too."

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