Genocide in Darfur; child soldiers in Chad and Congo; compulsory
sterilization of women in China; suppression of dissent in Cuba, Iran, Syria
and Russia; rape as a political weapon in Zimbabwe; sex trafficking in Asia;
denial of human rights to minorities and women in Saudi Arabia and other
Arab countries? Not important to the UN. What is? A conference who's central
purpose is to demonize a single country/people. And the US is part of it.
Canada, Britan and Italy have pulled out in protest but Obama is sending
'his team' over to try and turn the conference away from being an
anti-Israel/Jew hatefest. But he's not really trying to change it. Nothing
has changed but instead it's gotten worse.
So let me see if I get this straight. A black president (the assumption on
many peoples minds is that Obama's presidency is a blow against racism
because of his color) is backing an anti-racism conference that's proposing
racist ideals and language. Welcome to the new America.


http://www.forbes.com/2009/02/22/obama-israel-holocaust-durban-opinions-contributors_united_nations_print.html

The Obama administration's decision to join the planning of the U.N.'s
Durban II "anti-racism" conference has just taken a new twist: cover-up. On
Friday, State Department officials and a member of the American Durban II
delegation claimed the United States had worked actively to oppose efforts
to brand Israel as racist in the committee drafting a Durban II declaration.
The trouble is that they didn't.

The Feb. 20 State Department press release says the U.S. delegation in
Geneva "outline[d] our concerns with the current outcome document" and in
particular "our strong reservations about the direction of the conference,
as the draft document singles out Israel for criticism." One member of the
delegation told *The Washington Post*: "The administration is pushing back
against efforts to brand Israel as racist in this conference." In fact,
tucked away in a Geneva hall with few observers, the U.S. had done just the
opposite. The U.S. delegates had made no objection to a new proposal to nail
Israel in an anti-racism manifesto that makes no other country-specific
claims.

Getting involved in activities intended to implement the 2001 Durban
Declaration--after seven and a half years of refusing to lend the
anti-Israel agenda any credibility--was controversial to be sure. But late
on Saturday Feb. 14, the State Department slithered out a press release
justifying the move. It claimed that "the intent of our participation is to
work to try to change the direction in which the Review Conference is
heading."

Following what was clearly a planned public relations exercise, *Washington
Post* columnist Colum Lynch championed the U.S. bravado in an article based
on the story orchestrated by the American delegates. In his Feb. 20 article
entitled: "U.S. Holds Firm on Reparations, Israel in U.N. Racism Talks," he
fawned: "The Obama administration on Thursday concluded its first round of
politically charged U.N. negotiations on racism, *pressing foreign
governments ... to desist from singling out Israel for criticism* in a draft
declaration to be presented at a U.N. conference in April."

The reality, however, was nothing of the sort. Instead, Obama's Durban II
team slipped easily into the U.N.'s anti-Israel and anti-Jewish environs,
taking the approach that "fitting in" was best accomplished by staying
silent.

On Tuesday, the Palestinian delegation proposed inserting a new paragraph
under the heading "Identification of further concrete measures and
initiatives ... for combating and eliminating all manifestations of racism,
racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance..." with the
subtitle "General provisions on victims ... of discrimination." The
paragraph includes: "Calls for ... the international protection of the
Palestinian people throughout the occupied Palestinian territory." In other
words, it claims that the Palestinian people are victims of Israeli racism
and demands that all U.N. states provide protection from the affronts of the
racist Jewish state.

Furthermore, the new Palestinian provision "Calls for ... implementation of
international legal obligations, including the advisory opinion of the
International Court of Justice on the wall..." This is a dramatic attempt to
change an "advisory opinion" into a "legal obligation"--a status which
attaches to no advisory opinion. The ICJ decision, which advises that the
Israeli security fence is illegal, has always been rejected by the United
States--hitherto. And with good reason. The Egyptian judge had voiced his
opinion on the result before the case was even heard, in his capacity as a
leading Egyptian diplomat. The terms of reference from the General Assembly
who asked for the decision, and the documents they laid before the Court,
predetermined the outcome. And as the strong dissent by the American judge
and Holocaust survivor Tom Buergenthal pointed out, the Court came to its
preposterous conclusion that "the right of legitimate or inherent
self-defense is not applicable in the present case" without considering "the
deadly terrorist attacks to which Israel is being subjected."

But when the Palestinian delegation laid their new proposal before the
drafting committee, what did Obama's team do? Nothing, absolutely nothing.
They made no objection at all.

It is impossible to argue that their silence was unintended. Over the course
of the week's negotiations the American delegation had objected to a number
of specific proposals. They had no trouble declaring "we share reservations
on this paragraph," in the context of a demand to criminalize profiling.
They "called for the deletion" of provisions undermining free speech like
the suggestion to "take firm action against negative stereotyping of
religions and defamation of religious personalities, holy books, scriptures
and symbols."

Their silence when it came to Israel was, therefore, deafening. It also had
the very concrete result of not placing the Palestinian paragraph in
dispute, and the diplomatic rule of thumb is that paragraphs that have not
been flagged as controversial cannot be reopened for discussion, as
negotiations finalize an end product.

The Obama team was not only silent on the new "Israel is racist" language,
it also said nothing when faced with Holocaust denial. Negotiators from the
European Union suggested on Wednesday a new provision to "c*ondemn without
reservation any denial of the Holocaust and urges all states to reject
denial of the Holocaust as an historical event, either in full, or in part,
or any activities to this end." *Iran--whose president is a
Holocaust-denier--immediately objected and insisted that the proposal be
"bracketed" or put in dispute. The move blocked the adoption of the proposal
and ensured another battle over the reality of the Holocaust in April--at
these supposedly "anti-racism" meetings. After Iran objected, the chair
looked around the room, expecting a response. He said: "Is there any
delegation wishing to comment on this new proposal by the European Union? It
doesn't seem the case. We move on." U.S. delegates said nothing, even after
the prompt.

Again, the American silence must have been deliberate. In marked contrast,
after the E.U. objected to a provision calling for limits on free speech,
the American delegation had no trouble piping up immediately: "I want to
echo the comments from the E.U. This ... call for restrictions is something
that my government is not able to accept."

Evidently, a U.S. team bent on legitimizing Durban II believed it would be
counter-productive to object vigorously to sections most likely to be
noticed by Americans skeptical about participation in the conference. They
must have figured that no objection would mean no controversy, which in turn
would mean there would be no cause for complaint from U.S. observers. That's
one way to buy favors on the international stage, but it sure doesn't
forward a stated intention of changing the Conference direction. Nor does it
promote the ultimate need to change the anti-Semitic and anti-democratic
direction of global human rights policy.

The week's events also revealed that European negotiators have adopted the
same strategy at Durban II that they did at Durban I. After the United
States and Israel walked out of Durban I on Sept. 4, 2001, it was the
European Union that cut the deal trading off a mention of the Holocaust and
anti-Semitism for a reference to Palestinians victims of Israeli racism.
Likewise, this week the European Union said nothing in response to the
Palestinian proposal but pushed the Holocaust reference instead. No matter
that discrimination against the Jewish state, and against Jews for
supporting the Jewish state, is the major form of anti-Semitism today.

The manipulation of Holocaust remembrance--knowing that Israel is the
bulwark of the Jewish people against "never again"--is as cynical as it
gets.

European Union delegates confirmed that their silence on the Palestinian
proposal was deliberate, commenting off-camera that the references to
Israeli racism had already been made in the Durban I Declaration, and the
purpose of Durban II is to implement Durban I.

State department officials and U.S. delegates to Durban II's planning
committee insist that their minds have not been made up. Friday's State
department press release said "the United States has not made a decision
about participating in the Durban Review Conference or about whether to
engage in future preparations for the Conference, but the work done this
week will be important information for taking these decisions." Similarly, *The
Washington Post* reports, quoting an American delegate: "This is a
fact-finding mission; it's just a first step ... Negotiations will probably
resume in March or early April."

The strategy is painfully obvious--spin out the time for considering whether
or not to attend the April 20 conference until the train has left the
station and jumping off would cause greater injury to multilateral relations
than just taking a seat.

The delay tactics are indefensible. The U.S. administration attended four
full days of negotiation. During that time they witnessed the following: the
failure to adopt a proposal to act against Holocaust denial, a new proposal
to single out Israel, which will now be included in the draft without
brackets, broad objections to anything having to do with sexual orientation,
vigorous refusal by many states to back down on references to "Islamophobia"
(the general allegation of a racist Western plot to discriminate against all
Muslims), and numerous attacks on free speech.

This "dialogue" is not promoting rights and freedoms. It is legitimizing a
forum for disputing the essence of democracy, handing Holocaust deniers a
global platform and manufacturing the means to demonize Israel in the
interests of those states bent on the Jewish state's destruction.

But you can be sure that the State Department report now on Obama's desk
reads "can't tell yet, don't know, maybe, too early to tell." Why?

If the Obama administration does not immediately announce that its foray
into the morass of Durban II has led it to decide this is no place for
genuine believers in human rights and freedoms, there is only one conclusion
possible. His foreign policy of engagement amounts to a new willingness to
sacrifice Israel and an indeterminate number of American values for the sake
of a warm welcome from the enemies of freedom.


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