Speaking of Frum:

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704117304575138071192342664.html

In Washington, political defeats always produce finger-pointing, so
the conventional wisdom has suddenly turned on a dime and decided that
Republicans were wrong to have opposed ObamaCare. White House press
secretary Robert Gibbs was especially taken yesterday with blogger and
Bush speechwriter David Frum's argument that if only Republicans had
negotiated with Democrats, they could have somehow made the bill less
awful than it is.

Mr. Frum now makes his living as the media's go-to basher of fellow
Republicans, which is a stock Beltway role. But he's peddling bad
revisionist history that would have been even worse politics. The
truth is that Democrats never had any intention of working with
Republicans, except to pick off two or three Senators and calling it
"bipartisanship." This worked for Democrats on the stimulus, and they
had hoped to do it again on health care.

In the House, Republicans were frozen out from the start. Three
Chairmen—Charlie Rangel, Henry Waxman and George Miller—holed up last
spring to write the most liberal bill they could get through the
House. Republicans were told that unless they embraced the "public
option," there was nothing to discuss.

As for the White House, House GOP leaders John Boehner and Eric Cantor
in May sent a letter to President Obama "respectfully" requesting a
meeting to discuss ideas. The White House didn't respond. Mr. Obama's
first deadline for House passage was July, and only after public
opinion turned against the bill did he begin to engage Republican
ideas. Yet in his September address to Congress attempting to revive
his bill, he made no concession save pilot projects for tort reform.

In the Senate, a group of Republicans did negotiate with Finance
Chairman Max Baucus for months, even as Senators Chris Dodd and Ted
Kennedy were crafting a bill that mirrored the liberal House product.
GOP Senators Chuck Grassley, Olympia Snowe and Orrin Hatch are hardly
strangers to working with Democrats. In 2007, they helped Mr. Baucus
expand the children's insurance program over President Bush's
opposition.

Senate liberals kept tugging Mr. Baucus to the left, however, and
eventually the White House ordered him to call off negotiations.
Senator Snowe still voted for the Finance Committee bill, though even
she fell away on the floor as Majority Leader Harry Reid insisted on
pushing the public option and tried, as Ms. Snowe put it, to "ram it"
and "jam it" through the Senate.

In the end, Republicans couldn't as a matter of principle support even
50% of a bill that was such a huge and reckless expansion of
government. If they had, they would have rightly lost the support of
their own most loyal supporters. In the end, too, the bill was so
unpopular—59% opposed in a Sunday CNN survey—that 34 House Democrats
voted no and Mr. Reid is resorting to reconciliation to get the
"fixes" of more taxes and spending through the Senate.

Meanwhile, some conservatives on cable-TV and the Web have taken to
complaining that if only Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell had
been tougher, he could have killed the bill. Really? Every Republican
in Congress voted no. How many more votes is a Minority Leader
supposed to get?

The reality is that ObamaCare is the price of two GOP electoral
defeats caused by the failure of the DeLay Congress and a dismal Bush
second term. The 2003 Medicare prescription drug benefit compromised
the GOP on spending and legislative bullying. Republicans had a chance
to do better on health care in 2005 but put their chips on Social
Security and failed. Mitt Romney also gave Democrats renewed political
confidence when he signed a prototype of ObamaCare into law in
Massachusetts, though he now claims that these fraternal policy twins
aren't related.

Republicans also suffered bad luck that gave Senate Democrats their 60
votes only after former Alaska Senator Ted Stevens was unjustly
indicted, Minnesota's Al Franken stole a recount from hapless Norm
Coleman, and Pennsylvania's Arlen Specter jumped ship.

A new President nearly always gets what he wants on his top
legislative priority, especially when he has such big majorities in
Congress to work with. Republicans nonetheless managed to keep their
Members together, turn public opinion against the bill despite nearly
unanimous media support for it, and in the end came a few votes short.
They would have won if Mr. Obama and Nancy Pelosi hadn't been so
willing to put so many of their Members at risk by pushing a partisan
program and flouting normal Congressional rules.

The GOP's goal now should first be to remove some of the uglier parts
of the bill in Senate reconciliation. Then they need to focus on
taking back as many seats as possible this fall. Rather than publicly
crowing that ObamaCare will deliver them the House—a hard task and a
risky expectations game—they'd do better to concentrate on continuing
to educate the public about what ObamaCare is going to do to insurance
premiums, federal deficits, taxes and the quality of medical care.

Many Republicans are already calling for "repeal" of ObamaCare, and
that's fine with us, though they should also be honest with voters
about the prospects. The GOP can't repeal anything as long as Mr.
Obama is President, even if they take back Congress in November. That
will take two large electoral victories in a row. What they can do now
is take credit for fighting on principle, hold Democrats accountable
for their votes and the consequences, and pledge if elected in
November to stop cold Mr. Obama's march to ever-larger gover

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