In some ways, quite a frightening analysis.

Let's all hold on for the ride that the US 
is leading us on and hope it ends well :)

Analysts are questioning the relevance of the UN...the relevance of
NATO...the relevance of the G8.
It seems that the only thing with true Relevance in the world right now
is the US and the terrorists,
and what they're going to do next.

Everything else appears secondary.
Osama really did change the world. 

-Gel


----------
"THE STRATFOR WEEKLY
29 May 2003
 
by Dr. George Friedman
 
The G8 and Its Crisis of Relevance

Summary

The meeting of the G7 (now the G8) used to be the major 
diplomatic event of the year. For the past generation, the major 
G7 powers met to manage the world. The managers included 
countries like Japan and Canada -- significant economic powers, 
but not military players. But the world has changed and the G8 
meeting has lost its pivotal significance, precisely because many 
there are only economic powers. U.S. President George W. Bush's 
decision to cut his attendance at the G8 meeting short by a day 
so that he could get on with his more important diplomacy in the 
Arab world is emblematic of how the world has changed.

Analysis

The annual summit of the G8 will take place on May 31 and June 1. 
Present will be the leaders of France, Britain, Canada, Germany, 
Italy, Japan, Russia and the United States. Although the meeting 
will go for two days, it will be the first meeting of G8 leaders 
since the Iraq war and U.S. President George W. Bush's first 
encounter with the leaders of the three major opponents of the 
war: France, Germany and Russia. The meeting, in part, will be a 
test of whether the post-Cold War system of global leadership, as 
expressed in the concept of the G8, still has any practical 
meaning.

In part, the United States is already signaling the relative 
importance of the G8 in the general scheme of things. Bush will 
leave early to attend a summit at Sharm el Sheikh in the Egyptian 
Sinai -- with the leaders of Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Qatar -- on 
June 1. The next day, he will attend a critical meeting between 
Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and Palestinian Prime 
Minister Mahmoud Abbas. On June 5, he will go to CENTCOM 
headquarters in Doha, Qatar, to meet with commanders and troops. 

A short while ago, the G8 meetings were the pivotal point in 
global diplomacy. Presidents did not cut these meetings short to 
get on with other pressing business--there was no more pressing 
business. There is now, and Bush does not want to loiter at the 
G8 meeting. It is not clear that this is an intentional slight, 
although we have little doubt but that the meetings in the Middle 
East could have been scheduled differently. It is even more 
striking if it is unintentional, as it indicates that Bush now 
takes it as a matter of course that U.S. priorities have shifted.

The geography of U.S. concerns has shifted dramatically. During 
the 1990s, the U.S. vision was that this was a world of 
opportunities. The G7 countries were all economically 
significant, even if some were militarily insignificant. The 
geography of the world focused on economic development, and these 
nations drove economic development. The inclusion of Russia in 
the original G7 meetings was done with some hesitation. Russia's 
economic powers seemed to exclude it from the group. It was 
included as a reluctant concession. In a world in which borders 
and military power were seen as increasingly archaic, the G7 
meetings of the world's greatest economic powers were seen as the 
arena in which the world's expanding economic horizons would be 
managed.

That is not the U.S. view of the world since Sept. 11, 2001. This 
is no longer a world of opportunities. It is a world of danger. 
The danger originates in the Islamic world and it is a danger 
that must be faced militarily. Therefore, the G8 countries are, 
except in particular circumstances, not particularly relevant. 
The geographic diffusion of these countries reflects a decade 
that's passed. The United States is now geographically focused. 
Thus, the president will leave a meeting of global leaders to 
spend three days in Arab countries -- Egypt, Jordan and Qatar -- 
to deal with geopolitical and military issues. 

A schism has developed within the G8 that does not involve only 
the French, German and Russian opposition to the war in Iraq. 
That opposition there, but the issue is much deeper. The G8 
represented a generation that thought that economic issues had 
supplanted all other issues. Japan and Canada were there because 
they had economic significance. From the Bush administration's 
point of view, this is an outmoded view of the world. It does not 
address American hopes and -- above all -- fears. Nothing that 
any of these powers have to say compares to what Saudi Arabia's 
Crown Prince Abdullah or Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas 
might have to say. 

In a real sense, al Qaeda has succeeded in at least part of its 
mission. Osama bin Laden's view was that the Islamic world had 
not been treated with respect or fear by the Christian world for 
centuries. Bin Laden has succeeded in changing that. The U.S. 
president has far more respect -- and fear -- of the opinions of 
the leaders of Egypt or Iran or Turkey than he has for the 
leaders of France or Germany. Again, this is not simply because 
of their opposition to the war. Japan can be included in this 
group and it didn't oppose the war. Rather, it deals with the 
manner in which al Qaeda has redefined the world for the United 
States. From the diffused geography of global economics, the 
United States has focused on a more concentrated geopolitics of 
its war with al Qaeda. In the mind of the world's leading power, 
al Qaeda has moved Islam ahead of economics. 

This poses a serious problem for the G8. The world is in the 
midst of an economic slowdown, which is mild in historical 
comparison, but disconcerting after a decade of economic 
dynamism. There are issues that the G8 needs to discuss -- 
particularly the weakness of the dollar, which is helping U.S. 
exports. The Europeans and Japanese traditionally have expected 
at least collaboration and usually leadership from the United 
States on these issues. That isn't going to happen this time. The 
United States is pursuing its own policies without much concern 
for the effect on the global economy. Its deficit is driven by 
war, and war has priority. The weak dollar helps U.S. exports, 
and that is fine by the United States. 

Until Sept. 11, the United States saw itself as the leader of the 
global economy, with a particular responsibility to help manage 
the international economic system. It no longer views the world 
that way. First, it sees economics as less important than other 
issues. Second, the war on al Qaeda is forcing Washington to 
adopt economic policies that pose problems for the others. Third, 
the United States is prepared to accept immediate advantage in 
trade over long-term damage to allies.

That last word is, of course, one of the keys. It is unclear that 
the United States views the other seven countries as allies, at 
least not as a group. The Bush administration views the fact that 
the weak dollar is wreaking havoc with the German economy as 
another way in which to punish the Germans. The fact that France 
is being torn by strikes generates quiet satisfaction. Active 
American hostility toward the French and Germans does not extend 
to the others, but there is a sense that -- save Britain -- the 
others were not there in any substantial way when the United 
States needed them and that therefore the United States is under 
no obligation to be there for them. 

The G7 (pre-Russia) used to be a meeting of allies talking 
primarily about economic matters. Not only have economic matters 
been demoted, but the nature of the alliance has been called into 
question. Europeans like to say that friends can disagree and 
remain friends. The U.S. view is quite different: Friends do not 
disagree over matters of fundamental importance. The disagreement 
over Iraq was not a disagreement over passing issues, but the 
unwillingness of France, Russia and Germany to give the United 
States the benefit of the doubt on a matter that Washington 
regarded as a matter of fundamental national interest. From 
Washington's point of view, if these countries could not 
automatically support the United States over Iraq, what issue 
would generate automatic support? And if there are no issues on 
which support is automatic, then in what sense is there an 
alliance? NATO was built on the assumption that an attack on one 
is an attack on all -- automatically. 


There are, therefore, two things working here. First, the needs 
of the United States have changed. The G8 no longer has the key 
to the things that the United States wants the most, even if 
member countries were operating within the context of an 
alliance. Second, it is no longer clear that these countries are 
allies, prepared to support each other in a predictable way. The 
Bush administration now views the G8 as a group of countries with 
a common interest in economic growth and stability, but not with 
a common commitment to the war the United States sees itself as 
in. Therefore, the G8 doesn't address American needs.

Russia is an exception that proves the rule. The U.S. 
administration will continue to cultivate Russia -- not because 
it is an economic power, but because of geopolitics. Russia 
intersects U.S. interests in the Islamic world. It is a Central 
Asian power, as the United States has become. Its cooperation in 
the region, and its Chechen problem, create a commonality of 
interest. Russia certainly is not a U.S. ally, but it shares a 
common interest with the United States that the other G8 members 
do not. It also has a deep interest in controlling events in the 
Islamic world. There is nothing automatic in the U.S.-Russian 
relationship, but there is at least a common, overriding 
interest.

The truth is that in 2003, the United States no longer has a 
common, overriding interest with the rest of the G8, Britain 
excepted. The U.S. obsession is not their obsession, the U.S. 
nightmare is not their nightmare. Therefore, their concerns and 
needs are not the same as those of the United States. Bush's 
decision to leave the G8 a day early so that he can get on to 
more important things symbolizes a fundamental shift in the way 
the world works: The news this week will not come out of Evian, 
it will come from Sharm el-Sheikh, Aqaba and Qatar. That makes 
this a very different world than the one we lived in a few years 
ago.
-------------

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