Date: June 28, 2006 1:20:47 PM PDT
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], cia-drugs@yahoogroups.com, [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: [ctrl] Videos. War Corporatism, The New Fascism.
Great video on Iraq war corporatism:
Flash video version here:
QuickTime video version here:
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Another great video. This one is about the drug war. Multiple video formats:
"Anyone concerned about the failure of our $69 billion-a-year War on Drugs should watch this 12-minute program. You will meet front line, ranking police officers who give us a devastating report on why it cannot work. It is a must-see for any journalist or public official dealing with this issue."
-- Walter Cronkite
It is a good video to download and to listen to in the background while surfing the web.
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War Corporatism - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
War Corporatism is the belief that a country engaged in
warfare for a considerable period creates a corporate reliance upon war. (Also referred to as the
Military-industrial complex.) The arms and related industries therefore end up attempting to control the outbreak of war in order to increase
profits for their shareholders, large investors, and top corporate executives. War corporatism implies that companies who reap the benefits of war will constantly fight to keep the economy on a war footing in order to continue to profit and balance the economics of society as a whole. People critical of the US arms industry claim that the United States has become a prime example of war corporatism as it has been involved in near-constant warfare in some part of the globe since 1950, and point to the close ties of the political and industrial elites in the US. The links between Vice-President
Dick Cheney and
Halliburton are often used as an example.
See also
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Military-industrial complex - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Military-industrial complex
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Origin
- A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction...
- This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence — economic, political, even spiritual — is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
- In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
- We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals so that security and liberty may prosper together.
In the penultimate draft of the address, Eisenhower initially used the term
military-industrial-congressional complex, indicating the essential role that
U.S. Congress plays in propagating the military industry. But, it is said, that the president chose to strike the word
congressional in order to avoid offending members of the legislative branch of the federal government. The author of the term was Eisenhower's speech-writer
Malcolm Moos.
-----snip-----
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Prison-industrial complex - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Prison-industrial complex
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The
prison-industrial complex refers to
interest groups that represent organizations that do business in correctional facilities, like prison guard
unions,
construction companies, and
surveillance technology vendors, who become more concerned with making more money than actually
rehabilitating criminals or reducing
crime rates. Additionally, some prisons provide free or low-cost labor for state or municipal governments as well as jobs for union members, which can be seen as another profitable side-benefit born from building and maintaining a large prison system.
See also
References
- ^ Schlosser, Eric (December 1998). "The Prison-Industrial Complex". The Atlantic Monthly.
External links
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Corporatism - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Section on corporatism and fascism.
Corporatism and Fascism
Some critics equate too much corporate power and influence with fascism. See
Fascism and ideology. Often they cite a quote claimed to be from Mussolini: "Fascism should more properly be called corporatism because it is the merger of state and corporate power." However the most common cites for the quote do not track back to this phrase, and it is most likely an Internet hoax.
[3]. Despite this, the alleged quote has entered into modern discourse, and it appears on thousands of web pages
[4], and in books
[5], and even a conspiracy theory advertisement in the
Washington Post.[6]. However, the alleged quote contradicts almost everything else written by Mussolini on the subject of the relationship between corporations and the Fascist State.
[7].
In one 1935 English translation of what Mussolini wrote, the term "corporative state" is used,
[8] but this has a different meaning from modern uses of the terms used to discuss business corporations. In that same translation, the phrase "national Corporate State of Fascism," refers to syndicalist corporatism. The dubious quote is sometimes claimed to more accurately summarize what Mussolini did and not what he said. However many scholars of fascism reject this claim. See
Fascism and ideology.
There is a very old argument about who controlled who in the fascist states of Italy and Germany at various points in the timeline of power. It is agreed that the army, the wealthy, and the big corporations ended up with much more say in decision making than other elements of the corporative state
[9] [10] [11]. There was a power struggle between the fascist parties/leaders and the army, wealthy, and big corporations. It waxed and waned as to who had more power at any given time. Scholars have used the term "Mussolini's corporate state" in many different ways
[12].
In the United States, corporations representing many different sectors are involved in attempts to influence legislation through lobbying. This is also true of many non-business groups, unions, membership organizations, and non-profits. While these groups have no official membership in any legislative body, they can often wield considerable power over law-makers. In recent times, the profusion of lobby groups and the increase in campaign contributions has led to widespread controversy and the
McCain-Feingold Act.
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Corporatism QUOTES.
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"We have no honorable intentions in
Vietnam. Our minimal expectation is to
occupy it as an American colony and maintain social stability for our investments. This tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in
Colombia and
Peru. Increasingly the role our nation has taken is the role of those who refuse to give up the privileges and pleasures that come from the
immense profits of overseas investment."
--
Martin Luther King, Jr.. "A Time to Break the Silence" speech given at Riverside Church, New York City, April 4,
1967. http://www.uvm.edu/~wmiller/mlkbeyondvietnam.htm
He was assassinated exactly one year later. Many people believe that the machinery of his assassination was set in motion when he escalated his opposition to the war machine.
Some excerpts from the above linked wikipedia page:
Starting in
1965 , King began to express doubts about the United States' role in the
Vietnam War. On
April 4,
1967 -- exactly one year before his death -- King spoke out strongly against the US's role in the war, insisting that the US was in Vietnam "to occupy it as an American colony" and calling the US government "the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today." ...
King was long hated by many white
southern segregationists, but this speech turned the more mainstream media against him.
TIME called the speech "demagogic slander that sounded like a script for
Radio Hanoi", and
The Washington Post declared that King had "diminished his usefulness to his cause, his country, his people."
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Have you noted the number of ex-generals and police chiefs who have spoken up about the Iraq War and the Drug War. They are powerful courageous voices for change.
"Our government has kept us in a perpetual state of fear - kept us in a continuous stampede of patriotic fervor - with the cry of grave national emergency. Always there has been some terrible evil at home or some monstrous foreign power that was going to gobble us up if we did not
blindly rally behind it ..."
-- General Douglas MacArthur, 1957.
"I helped purify Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown Brothers in 1909-1912. I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for American sugar interests in 1916. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenue in. I helped in the rape of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street."
-- General Smedley D. Butler, former U.S. Marine Commandant. In "Common Sense," November 1935.
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MMM (Global Million Marijuana March):
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/cannabisaction
Newsweek, Nov. 14, 2005, page 36:
"The most recent evidence comes from autopsies of 44 prisoners who have died in Iraq and Afghanistan in U.S. custody. Most died under circumstances that suggest torture. The reports use words like 'strangulation,' 'asphyxiation' and 'blunt force injuries.' ... A few months before the [Abu Ghraib] scandal broke [spring 2004], Coalition Provisional Authority polls showed Iraqi support at 63 percent. A month after Abu Ghraib, the number was 9 percent. Polls showed that 71 percent of Iraqis were surprised by the revelations."
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