Détente Between Government, FARC Ends in ColombiaBOGOTÁ, Colombia -- Just
two months ago, Colombia was buzzing with hope and optimism. A flurry of
comminiqués between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrilla
group and the hardline president, Álvaro Uribe, suggested that an agreement to
exchange prisoners was imminent. Three European countries, France, Spain and
Switzerland, acting as peace facilitators, proposed to demilitarize a zone in
southwestern Colombia where hostages held by FARC would be swapped for
imprisoned guerrillas.
The fact that a car filled with explosives entered one of the country's best-guarded military buildings is an embarrassment and a humiliating defeat for the government. Defense Minister Juan Manuel Santos said the incident was "an unforgivable security lapse." Uribe's hardenened stance is welcomed by his conservative voters, who elected a leader they want to see fight FARC rather than make concessions to the rebels. But for the families of hostages, the news of Uribe's decision to send in the army to rescue 58 political hostages was met with dismay and sorrow. "The president's speech condemns to death the kidnapped hostages," said a distraught Yolanda Pulecio, mother of Ingrid Betancourt, a French and Colombian passport holder who was kidnapped in February 2002 while campaigning for Colombia's presidency. The former presidential candidate has now been in capitivity for over 1,900 days. She and scores of other political hostages, among them three American contractors, held by FARC, wait helplessely in secret guerrilla jungle camps while the government engages in a war of attrition with the rebels. Last week, the families of hostages campaigned in the capital's main square holding posters saying: "No to a rescue with blood and openfire." Apart from former presidential candidates, governors and mayors held hostage, it is estimated that there are over 4,000 other Colombians in captivity, from housewives to students to civil enginners and business leaders, kidnapped by guerrilla groups and to a lesser extent by the paramilitaries. Uribe's decision to use military force also sparked criticism from French Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy. In a statement issued last Friday he called for renewed dialogue, saying his country is against "any use of force to rescue the hostages." "At a time when everyone was optimistic due to the recent statements by the Colombian president and the FARC, I remain convinced that only a peaceful solution is possible," the statement said. Critics have questioned Uribe's hot-headed decision to derail possible prisoner exchanges because of a car bomb. They say that Uribe has continued the controversial peace process with the Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) despite kidnappings and massacres committed by the right-wing militia group while a so-called ceasefire is in place. Uribe's decision to initiate humanitarian prisoner exchanges with FARC was partly in response to mounting pressure from both within and outside Colombia. The government is only too aware that the international community believes it unacceptable, and even unbelievable, that soldiers, police officers and high-profile politicians are still being held in captivity, some for up to nine years. In the past, botched military operations to rescue hostages have ended in carnage. In May 2003, 10 hostages, including a former defense minister and provincial governor, were killed as an army rescue squad approached a FARC camp deep in the jungle. But previous governments have participated in successful prisoner exchanges. During the Andrés Pastrana administration, around 350 kidnapped soldiers and police were released in exchange for 14 imprisoned guerrilla members. The government needs more money to maintain its military offensive against FARC. As such, it recently announced plans to raise an additional 8.5 billion pesos through new taxes to continue its battle against the guerrillas for the next four years. Meanwhile, the fate of Colombia's political hostages lies in the hands of the army rescue squads. Anastasia Moloney is a British freelance journalist based in Bogotá. She has lectured on U.S. foreign policy in Latin America at the Javeriana University in Bogota. Her work about Colombian politics, education, human rights and culture has appeared in The London Times, The Guardian and other publications. Complete archives at http://www.sitbot.net/ Please let us stay on topic and be civil. OM
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