-----Original Message-----
From: Mario Profaca <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Thu, 8 May 2008 9:05 pm
Subject: [SPY NEWS] Keeping Secrets From the CIA










http://www.newsweek.com/id/136084?from=rss
Keeping Secrets From the CIA
Why was Langley cut out of clandestine meetings with Iranian informants?
Michael Isikoff and Mark Hosenball
Newsweek Web Exclusive
Updated: 6:20 PM ET May 8, 2008

The Senate Intelligence Committee is about to release a report that
sheds new light on "inappropriate" back-channel contacts between
Pentagon officials and a group of Iranian informants—including a key
figure from the Iran-contra affair.

In December 2001, two Pentagon Mideast experts—Larry Franklin and
Harold Rhode—secretly traveled to Rome. They met with a group of
Iranians who supposedly had information about plans by Iranian-backed
terrorists to attack Americans—including U.S. troops who were then
closing in on Al Qaeda in Afghanistan. The meetings were approved by
high-level officials at the White House and the Pentagon. The CIA,
however, was kept in the dark. When the CIA and the State Department
found out about the meetings a few weeks later, they strenuously
protested to the White House and demanded that the contacts be
terminated immediately. At least officially, the White House complied.

Now, years later, the Senate Intelligence Committee is finally
producing a report on its investigation of those meetings. The
document is part of the panel's "phase two" investigation into the
misuse of pre-Iraq War intelligence. The report is not likely to
satisfy either the White House or the administration's most vocal
critics. While Intelligence Committee officials are keeping details of
the report under wraps, several sources familiar with its contents—who
asked for anonymity discussing an unpublished report—said that
congressional investigators found nothing illegal about the secret
contacts. The meetings were brokered by two Iran-contra figures:
Michael Ledeen, a Washington academic and prominent neoconservative
activist who was close to a number of senior Bush administration
officials at the time, and Manucher Ghorbanifar, a Paris-based Iranian
businessman who served as a middleman for arms deals in the 1980s and
was long ago branded a "fabricator" by the CIA. U.S. intelligence
agencies said at the time that Ghorbanifar had a history of offering
information that proved unreliable.

But in the report, the panel does conclude that senior Bush
administration officials (including then deputy Defense secretary Paul
Wolfowitz and deputy national-security adviser Stephen Hadley)
approved the meetings without informing the CIA or its director at the
time, George Tenet, thereby allowing intelligence gathering outside of
normal channels. The sources say the report also suggests that Ledeen
misled the National Security Council about the meetings--a charge that
Ledeen strongly denied this week in an e-mail exchange with NEWSWEEK.

The Rome meetings provoked controversy when they were first disclosed
in the summer of 2003. They seemed typical of the rocky relations
between the Pentagon and CIA during the early years of the Bush
administration. According to Ledeen, there was a reason the CIA was
excluded from the secret discussions: the Iranians, he said, wanted
nothing to do with the agency. That would not be surprising, given the
CIA's deep antipathy toward Ghorbanifar. Three intelligence sources
familiar with the investigation told NEWSWEEK that the Senate report
questions whether Ledeen, who first approached administration
officials about meeting with the Iranian informants, made up the claim
that the Iranians refused to deal with the CIA. The report, the
sources said, notes that the two Pentagon officials involved in the
discussions said the issue never came up. In an e-mail to NEWSWEEK,
however, Ledeen said he is sure he told senior officials who
authorized the contacts—including Hadley and Zalmay Khalilzad (now
U.S. ambassador to the United Nations)—that the Iranians "did not want
to talk to CIA people."

According to several accounts of the Rome meetings—including one
published by former CIA director Tenet in his memoir "At the Center of
the Storm"—Ledeen persuaded Wolfowitz and Hadley, now White House
national-security adviser, to allow him to set up the secret sessions.
Only later did it emerge that the Iranian informants were in fact
contacts of Ghorbanifar. (In his book, Tenet himself labeled
Ghorbanifar a "con man and fabricator.") "Steve, this whole operation
smells," Tenet wrote that he told Hadley after he learned about the
contacts. In 2003, administration officials close to Hadley told
NEWSWEEK that Hadley had become concerned that Ledeen and Ghorbanifar
might be dragging the Bush administration into a repeat performance of
the Iran-contra affair, and ordered that the contacts be cut off.

In an interview with NEWSWEEK in Paris in November 2003, Ghorbanifar
said that despite the official cease-and-desist order, he still kept
in contact with both Rhode and Franklin for months. Ghorbanifar said
he told the Americans he could help them recover hundreds of millions
of dollars worth of cash that, he claimed, Saddam Hussein had buried.
He envisioned splitting the money with the U.S. government: the United
States could use part of it to overthrow Saddam; he would use the rest
to finance an effort to overthrow the clerical regime in Tehran. The
scheme came to nothing.

In e-mails to NEWSWEEK, Ledeen said that the Rome meetings were
productive and useful. "We obtained information on Iranian support for
terror operations in Afghanistan; that information saved American
lives. But the CIA and State then threw a joint tantrum and cut off
all contact with proven sources of information. Go figure."

Despite the unorthodox way in which the meetings were arranged and the
problematic histories of the people who arranged them, sources
familiar with the congressional inquiry said investigators could not
declare that the Rome contacts broke the law. The reason: even if the
CIA was cut out of the meetings, it was not illegal for National
Security Council officials to authorize the contacts. If the
committee's criticism of the administration's performance is as mild
as advance reports suggest, critics who felt the Rome meetings could
unravel deeper Bush scandals about the selling of the Iraq War are
likely to be disappointed.
URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/136084



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