------ Forwarded Message
> From: "dasg...@aol.com" <dasg...@aol.com>
> Date: Sun, 14 Mar 2010 22:12:47 EDT
> To: Robert Millegan <ramille...@aol.com>
> Cc: <ema...@aol.com>, <j...@aol.com>, <jim6...@cwnet.com>
> Subject: Nuns Were No Saints Either in "Holy Mother Church's" Child Sex Abuse
> Scandals

> Catholic Child Abuse -- Nuns Also Accused
> Radio Netherlands, 9 March 2010
> By Britta Wielaard <http://www.rnw.nl/english/users/britta-wielaard>
> http://www.rnw.nl/english/article/catholic
> Following recent reports about sexual abuse of children by Dutch priests, it
> now appears that some nuns also took advantage of their charges. Tuesday¹s
> edition of newspaper De Telegraaf contains the story of Herman Harends, who
> says he was abused by nuns at a Roman Catholic boarding school he attended in
> the 1950s.
> Radio Netherlands Worldwide and newspaper NRC Handelsblad published their
> report 
> <http://www.rnw.nl/english/article/dutch-catholic-church-faces-child-sex-abuse
> -scandal>  on sexual abuse within the Roman Catholic church two weeks ago.
> Since then, more and people have come forward, saying they, too, were
> childhood victims.
> Mr Harends and his two brothers attended a boarding school in the southern
> Dutch town of Tegelen.
> "I have not spoken out before because it is a hard claim to substantiate,² he
> explains, ³I¹m not looking for atonement or apologies, most of the nuns have
> died.²
> The abuse by the sisters started when I was 11. When I was in the bath they
> played with my penis and tried to give me an erection ... They would also put
> my hand under their robes and into their underwear.²
> Mr Harends (now 63) does not believe the abuse was an isolated case. ³I had
> dealings with two nuns who  worked independently,² he tells the paper, ³I
> can¹t imagine that I, one of the hundreds of students, was the only one they
> used to vent their desires on.²
> ----------------
> Nun Pleads No Contest In Sex Abuse Case
> Elderly Nun Allegedly Sexually Abused Boys At Wisconsin School In The 1960s
> MILWAUKEE, Nov. 12, 2007
> http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2007/11/12/national/main3492054.shtml
> (AP)  A 79-year-old Roman Catholic nun pleaded no contest Monday to two counts
> of indecent behavior with a child for alleged sexual encounters with two male
> students at a church convent and school where she was principal during the
> 1960s.
> The nun, Norma Giannini, and her attorney left the courthouse without comment
> after entering the pleas in Milwaukee County Circuit Court.
> Giannini faces a maximum 10 years on each count when sentenced Feb. 1.
> According to the criminal complaint, the two men told authorities they had
> dozens of sexual encounters with Giannini, including intercourse, while
> attending St. Patrick's School.
> One man said the nun told him in 1965, when he was 13, to open the buttons of
> her habit, but he was shaking so badly he could not do so. He said she then
> unbuttoned her clothing and had him touch her breasts, the complaint said.
> The first incident was followed by 60 to 80 others, including two involving
> sexual intercourse, it said.
> The other man said he had sexual contact with the nun more than 100 times,
> beginning when he was in seventh grade. At least one incident involved sexual
> intercourse, the complaint said.
> Giannini went on to work in Illinois from 1970 to 1994.
> http://archives.chicagotribune.com/2008/feb/01/news/chi-nun_01feb01
> A Roman Catholic nun who sexually abused two teenage boys in Milwaukee four
> decades ago admitted to a church panel that she also had molested a Chicago
> boy and at least three other minors, according to a court document obtained by
> the Tribune.
> ------------------------
> "Since most of the research on pedophilia is derived from studies of
> incarcerated male sex offenders, there is an evident research bias excluding
> females. Therefore, the male label 'paedophile' is never applied to female
> perpetrators of child sexual abuse due to their presumed inability to ³fit²
> the [gender-biased] diagnostic criteria.  However, recent studies highlight
> the existence of paedophilia in females as well.  The few offenders ever
> actually studied do in fact fulfil the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
> Mental  Disorders (American Psychiatric Association) diagnostic criteria for
> paedophilia and in many ways resemble male paedophiles, exhibiting the same
> fantasies, preference for a gender and age range, "grooming" and use of
> emotional blackmail, and cognitive distortions rationalizing their belief that
> victims sexually 'teased' them and minimising any harmful effects of sexual
> abuse on the victim(s)."
> http://childwise.net/downloads/Females_Who_Sexually_Abuse_Child.pdf
> The myth that women as carers and nurturers are incapable of sexually abusing
> a child
> must be dispelled in order to provide effective treatment, care, and support
> for both the
> victim and the female sexual perpetrator. Hunter (1990) suggests the myth that
> male
> perpetrated CSA [Child Sexual Abuse] is more damaging and harmful to the
> victim than 
> female perpetrated CSA must be confronted, as it can affect who is identified
> and treated 
> within the different judicial and child protection systems.
> What¹s more, the trauma of sexual abuse for the victim increases when
> compounded 
> by prejudice and misunderstanding from the community, both professional and
> otherwise. 
> Professional validation and acknowledgement appear to mitigate the negative
> effects 
> of the sexual abuse (Denov, 2004a; Hunter, 1990; Sanderson; 2004).
> Often we do not believe an issue is significant unless we can provide
> statistical data to
> support our case. The findings of this report will further contribute in
> raising public and
> professional awareness by keeping the dialogue open regarding this important
> social topic.
> The hidden nature of female perpetrated CSA has implications for policy, child
> protection,
> sentencing, education, recruitment, and the ability for children in a sexually
> abusive
> situation with a female to seek help.
> Characteristics of women who sexually abuse children
> As part of societal effort to transform female perpetrated CSA into an
> acceptable
> construct, generalisations of findings from the earlier literature (based on
> studies of
> convicted female offenders) tends to label all women who sexually abuse
> children as
> mentally ill, of low intelligence or under the influence of substances.
> However, Margolin
> (1986 cited in Saradjian 1996, p.3) warns against the sweeping generalisations
> of these
> case studies as it is often the most disturbed women or those who have
> committed more
> blatantly abusive acts who come to the attention of the authorities.
> Studies of incarcerated female sex offenders do reveal these women manifest
> higher
> percentages of psychiatric impairment (Davin, 1999; Dunbar, 1999; Green &
> Kaplan,
> 1994; Kaplan & Green, 1995; O¹Connor, 1987), prior histories of sexual and
> physical
> victimisation (Davin, 1999; Dunbar, 1999; Green & Kaplan, 1994; Hislop, 1999;
> Johnson,
> 2004; Kaplan & Green, 1995; Syed & Williams, 1996) and substance abuse
> (Dunbar,
> 1999; Harper, 1992; Syed & Williams, 1996
> Other literature however, implies women who sexually abuse children are often
> not
> psychotic, drunk or drugged when they engage in sexual acts with minors
> (Faller, 1987;
> Krug, 1989; Matthews, Mathews, & Speltz, 1991). It is suggested differences in
> psychopathology, addiction and use of violence may vary across the different
> categories
> and age groups of offenders. For example, Davin¹s (1999) study indicates
> independent
> offenders tend to exhibit significantly more severity in psychological
> disturbances
> compared to co-offenders. Although co-offenders appeared more ³normal² they
> were
> more submissive, distrustful and easily influenced by others.
> Saradjian¹s (1996) study of 50 females known to authorities for perpetrating
> CSA suggests
> ³that women of any age, social class group, intellectual ability, type of
> employment and
> marital status can sexually abuse children² (p38). Finkelhor et al. (1988)
> study of CSA in
> a day care setting supports this finding by describing females who perpetrate
> sexual abuse
> as ³more respectable² than the male perpetrators involved, as many of the
> women are
> regarded highly in their communities as businesswomen and civic leaders.
> Similarly
> female survivors of female perpetrated CSA in the Whetsell-Mitchell and Morse
> (1998)
> study report perpetrators to be the ³pillars in their communities² (p.151).
> Literature regarding women as lone offenders or co-offenders of CSA is also
> contradictory
> and may depend on the cohort being studied. While Finkelhor et al. (1988)
> found 73% of
> adult female perpetrated CSA occurred in the company of other abusers (either
> same-sex
> group or with a male) other studies reveal the figures for female co-offending
> varies
> between 25% and 77% (Faller, 1987; Kaufman, Wallace, Johnson, & Reeder, 1995;
> McCarty, 1986). Still, other literature confirms lower rates for female
> co-offending
> (Denov, 2004; Elliot¹s, 1993; Rudin et al., 1995).
> In contrast, Fehrenbach and Monastersky (1988), found all of the 28 adolescent
> female 
> offenders in their study acted independently, without accomplices or coercion
> (the 
> authors caution generalising from this sample to other populations). Further
> research 
> is required in this area particularly to examine the relationship between age
> and 
> co-offending behaviour in female perpetrators.  Personal communications with a
> Victorian Corrections Sex Offender Program psychologist suggest that not all
> co-offending behaviour is coerced.
> Some female perpetrators may begin offending with coercion from a male
> accomplice 
> but are quite capable of continuing the offending behaviours in the absence of
> a male. 
> A case example was cited of a wife who initially assisted her husband to
> sexually 
> offend against a number of victims (male and female children, ranging in age
> from 2-9 years old).
> She later proceeded to sexually offend against all of the victims for her own
> needs, without her
> husband¹s presence or knowledge. Furthermore, in the course of treatment it
> was revealed
> the abuse of the children was driven by the needs of the woman, which related
> to sexual
> attraction, sexual arousal and sexual gratification. It was further suggested
> the female CSA
> perpetrator, during the time when the offences were committed, would have
> certainly met
> a diagnosis of paedophilia, including symptoms of arousal, fantasy (sexual
> thoughts of the
> child victims were almost totally consuming) and grooming, including
> befriending the
> victims and using blackmail to maintain secrecy.
> Similarities to male perpetrators of child sexual abuse
> Since most of the research on paraphilias is derived from studies of
> incarcerated male sex
> offenders, there is an evident research bias excluding females (Federoff,
> Fishell, &
> Fedoroff, 1999).  Therefore, the male label paedophile has not been applied to
> female
> perpetrators of CSA for their apparent inability to ³fit² the diagnostic
> criteria (Dunbar,
> 1999). However, recent studies (Chow & Choy, 2002; Federoff et al., 1999;
> Denov,
> 2004a) highlight the existence of paedophilia in females. Chow and Choy (2002)
> concluded that the one female involved in their study fulfilled the Diagnostic
> and
> Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th ed, (American Psychiatric
> Association, 1994)
> diagnostic criteria for paedophilia and in many ways resembled the history of
> a man with
> paedophilia. This case involved the use of fantasy, preference of gender/age
> range, and
> cognitive distortions believing victims teased the offender, whilst minimising
> the harmful
> effects of the sexual abuse on the victim/s. However, unlike male paedophiles
> the female
> paedophile in this case did not actively socialise with children and did not
> use inducement
> or enticements to engage the children. Physical harm and threats were also not
> a factor.
> Federoff et al. (1999) study of the social and personal history
> characteristics of 14 women
> compared to 118 men who were similarly assessed for presumed paraphilic sexual
> disorders found 12 women were classified as having at least one paraphilia.
> The three
> most common paraphilic disorders in the female study group were paedophilia
> (36%),
> sexual sadism (29%), and exhibitionism (29%). The cases were drawn from the
> clinical
> records of a forensic psychiatrist who had conducted outpatient clinics for
> assessment and
> treatment of paraphilic disorders in three countries.
> Thus, some female CSA perpetrators are similar to men, particularly those who
> act alone
> (Groth, 1979). Studies (Kaufman et al., 1995; Finkelhor, et al., 1988;
> Matthews et al.,
> 1991; Syed, 2004) confirm many women can and do sexually abuse children of
> their own
> volition and women who target adolescent children use a similar entrapment
> process to
> those of male perpetrators (Saradjian, 1996). Cooperation is gained by
> bribery, coercion,
> fear of abandonment and the attribution of mutual responsibility to the child
> particularly in
> the case of adolescent boys. Females however, are more likely to exploit their
> victims by
> allowing other adults or children to use their victims sexually (Kaufman et
> al., 1995).
> The element of sexual arousal is a much minimised issue concerning female sex
> offending. Additional research is required to ensure legal and therapeutic
> responses are
> appropriate.
> The use of violence
> It is believed that offences committed by female sex offenders do not
> generally involve
> violent force (Johnson & Shrier, 1987). Evidence however, as to the severity
> of CSA and
> use of violence by female perpetrators remains conflicting and may once again
> depend on
> the population being studied (Chasnoff et al., 1986; Faller, 1987, Finkelhor
> et al., 1988;
> Fehrenbach & Monastersky, 1988; Kelly et al., 1993; Rudin et al., 1995).
> Research claims
> 60% of sexual abuse by lone female perpetrators or female co-perpetrators is
> severe
> (Ramsey-Klawsnik, 1990 cited in Rudin et al, 1995, p. 964). Syed & Williams
> (1996)
> confirms the violent perspective of female perpetrated sexual abuse. Syed
> found in 19
> cases of incarcerated female sex offenders, 7 involved violence, consisting
> of: handling
> the victim roughly, beating or hitting the victim by hand and/or with bottles
> and a piece of
> wood, holding the victim down forcibly during intercourse, threatening the
> victim at knife
> point and killing a victim. In only 3 of the 19 cases could the absence of
> violence or force
> be confirmed while data on the remaining 9 cases was unclear or not available.
> It appears that female perpetrators of CSA can and do use force. For example,
> forcible
> rape accounted for less than 1 percent of female arrests in 1992 however; in
> 2002, arrest
> for forcible rape had increased by 4% for adult women and 73% percent for
> women under
> the age of 18 years (Strickland, 1988). Finkelhor et al. (1988) study of 270
> day care
> centres in America reveals that more women committed multiple cases of sexual
> abuse
> and acts involving sexual penetration than men in a day care setting.
> Furthermore, the
> women were more likely to force children to sexually abuse others and were
> more
> frequently apt to participate in ritualistic sexual abuse.
> There is evidence now that women are capable of the same severity of sexual
> abuse as
> men, achieving sexual gratification particularly from sexual sadism with
> children and can
> abuse a child in all the ways a male does; using digits and/or objects instead
> of a penis to
> obtain penetration (Kaufman et al., 1995; Salter, 2003; Saradjian, 1996).
> However,
> Saradjian (1996) suggests the primary differences between male and female sex
> offenders
> is not so much the differences that each gender looks for in the target child
> but rather how
> the female perpetrator constructs her perceptions and beliefs about the
> children she targets.
> That is, female perpetrators of CSA will interpret any possible aspect of the
> child¹s
> behaviour to validate the perception of the child they have construed, be it
> negative in the
> case of women who initially target young children and women coerced to offend
> or
> positive in the case of women who initially target adolescent children. These
> constructs
> and perceptions of the child being good or bad help justify, rationalise and
> facilitate the
> acts of abuse. This point is pivotal as these constructions play a crucial
> role in the victim¹s
> construction of self, particularly when the abuser is the sole or primary
> caretaker.
> Gender of the victims
> Victim gender selection of female perpetrators tends to yield conflicting
> reports. 
> Finkelhor et al. (1988) found that females tend to victimise male and female
> children equally.
> However, other studies report that sole female perpetrators of CSA are likely
> to abuse
> more girls than boys (Rudin et al., 1995). Ramsey-Klawsnik (1990 cited in
> Rudin et al, 1995,
> p.964) reported that lone adult female perpetrators and co-perpetrators tended
> to 
> abuse a greater proportion of boys than did lone male perpetrators.
> Contrarily, in an
> assessment of registered adult female sex offenders Vandiver and Walker (2002)
> report 
> females comprised [only] a slight majority (55%) of the victims.

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