In response to the question by Gary Allison about what people mean when they refer to 
the "gay lifestyle":

I do not believe "gay lifestyle" is code for promiscuity.  I think it is a sloppy 
synonym for "the circumstance of being gay."  The word does a lot of work for the 
speaker.  It has installed in its inner workings the feature of expressing vague but 
elusive ideas about choice, deviation from a norm, inappropriate bodily response to 
stimuli,  disapproval by the speaker of the circumstance of being gay, and the power 
of the speaker to preempt more descriptive words that describe and disclose factual 
variety.  Its vagueness is part of its power, because its function is to carry a 
series of assumptions that cannot be debated or refuted.  Thus, it only makes sense 
that the Congressman would decline to define it, which is at best an invitation to sap 
its strength.

It is a tribute to courts and their capacity to elevate discourse that "gay 
lifestyle," used pejoratively, is not a term that commonly appears in court opinions.  
I did a quick search to see how "lifestyle" is used by the Supreme Court.  I found 32 
documents with the term "lifestyle."  The term is simply descriptive in all but 2 
documents, i.e., in Lawrence v. Texas--1) in Scalia's dissent and, in a borderline use 
by Kennedy and 2) in Michael H. v. Gerald D., in Scalia's reference to the "itinerant 
lifestyle" of the mother.  Among the contexts for "lifestyles," which the Justices 
have briefly referenced in mostly fact passages: nudist lifestyles, cigar lifestyle 
magazines, contracts containing clauses allowing for termination for lifestyles 
contrary to the teachings of the Catholic Church, the lifestyles of grandparents that 
might have an adverse impact (using a verbatim quote from the record), people who 
share a common religious belief or lifestyle, changing lifestyles that!
  might reduce newspaper readership, the parent's interest in shaping a child's values 
and lifestyle, a mother's "itinerant lifestyle" (per Scalia), the Indian lifestyle 
involving the individual's relationship with the natural world in comparison with the 
way that the Amish's faith dictates their lifestyle, the history or lifestyle of the 
Pueblos in comparison with other tribes, lifestyles associated with recreational 
vehicles and mobile living quarters, the feelings of individual users for their land 
and their lifestyle, possible discrimination against persons with alternative 
lifestyles, and the transition from the nomadic life of the hunt to the agrarian 
lifestyle.  I conclude that the Court, as the rest of us, mostly uses the term as an 
occasional catch all to refer to something that is, variously, a way of life inherited 
and maintained by a group of people, casual consumer choices, groups bonded by a 
calling and common means of earning a living, general habits in a fami!
 ly that are impossible to describe except by saying they exist and sur
e
children, and rebellious alternatives to middle class existence.  (Within the ambit of 
speech by gay people, the term might well be deployed to refer to strongly affiliated 
groups who define themselves through particular expressive attachments to consumer 
items, religious belief, etc.)

I believe I am correct, and not being unfair, to say that only Justice Scalia uses the 
term "lifestyle" in connection with pejorative characterizations.  In Lawrence, he 
says:  "Many Americans do not want persons who openly engage in homosexual conduct as 
partners in their business, etc....They view this as protecting themselves and their 
families from a lifestyle that they believe to be immoral and destructive."  By 
comparison, Kennedy says:  "The case does involve two adults who, with full and mutual 
consent from each other, engaged in sexual practices common to a homosexual 
lifestyle."  Kennedy was falling, albeit awkwardly, into the catch all tradition of 
the term "lifestyle"--his sentence had to end somewhere, and he was using it as the 
type of descriptor that it is in the various other contexts listed above.  It also 
served to reinforce the connection between conduct and status that infuenced his 
conclusion that punishment of the act is a penalty for status.

In some writing, I have talked about the function courts serve to bring into the 
official domain an expansive vocabulary that unearths emerging terms people are using 
to describe their lives and the needs they have for disputes to be resolved and rights 
fixed.  That writing has suggested that, in this respect, courts serve a 
democracy-enhancing function of dispersing the power to shape the official vocabulary. 
 Thus, they serve a populist function by giving a degree of editorial help to those 
whose speech is not otherwise being heard by official bodies or by the culture.

The example of "gay lifestyle" points the other way.  Courts retain some power of 
editorial discretion to avoid using words created for a rhetorical purpose (rather 
than for a utilitarian descriptive purpose), even though they are in widespread use.  
Those who believe in the usefulness of the term, "gay lifestyle," in my view, are 
unlikely to have their speech magnified by being adopted by courts.  I suppose my 
empirical hypothesis, on which I base that prediction, is that it does not grow out of 
the need for a concrete factual description of the claims of the parties and thus 
lacks any power to proliferate as judges search for serviceable terms to describe the 
matter being adjudicated.

Mae Kuykendall


>>> [EMAIL PROTECTED] 07/29/03 02:11PM >>>
Dear colleagues

Please pardon me for asking a couple of questions so late, but I was
extremely busy when you were engaged in the email discussions of Lawrence
v. Texas.  I have been reviewing all of the email sent to the listserve on
Lawrence, and I have been given much valuable information and food for
thought by your discussion.

I may have missed a couple of things, however.  If so, please forgive me
for raising them again.

First, you engaged in an intense discussion of the "gay agenda", but I
missed it if there was a separate discussion as to what people mean when
they speak of the "gay lifestyle."  I was prompted to make this inquiry
after witnessing the Congressman from Oklahoma's First Congressional
District make an impassioned attack on the gay lifestyle at his recent
townhall meeting.  Like many people who use this term, he never defined
what it meant to him.  In fact, he refused to elaborate on the term despite
being asked to do so.  My guess is that the term is code for the stereotype
of gay and lesbian persons routinely engaging in bath house orgies.  Often,
people bandying about the term gay lifestyle are those who have not spoken
out against the sexually libertine philosophy offered up in such
publications as Playboy or Penthouse, such movies as Fast Times at
Ridgemont High, and such TV programs as Sex in the City.

For me, this raises the issue of whether fornication laws and other laws
designed to punish promiscuity are still constitutional, given that they
are rarely enforced and that the predominant media portrayal of sexual
mores in America is that of promiscuity.  It also raises the question of
why promiscuity seems to be more objectionable if gays engage in it than if
it involves heterosexual participants.  Isn't it ironic that the prospect
of gay marriage, which might be a moderating influence on sexual
promiscuity, has become more controversial constitutionally and legally
than has sexual promiscuity?

I also have a question about the so-called rational basis analysis used in
J. Kennedy's opinion in Lawrence.  It is premised on J. Kennedy's belief
that sodomy laws do not further any legitimate government interest because
they do not advance any government interest in promoting the health and
safety of the people as opposed to the moral sentiments of the majority.
My understanding of the rational basis test is that any purpose that could
be rationally viewed as related to protecting someone from a potential
health or safety problem is a legitimate government purpose, and any law
that could rationally be viewed as providing some health or safety benefit
meets the rational basis SDP analysis test.  It is also my understanding
that the mechanics of sexual activity defined as sodomy subject persons who
regularly engage in sodomy to potential health risks.  I failed to find any
discussion of this in any of the opinions in Lawrence, but maybe I missed
it somehow.

Again, sorry to bring up an "old" subject about which you have provided a
comprehensive discussion.  But, I would greatly appreciate some feed back
on these matters.

Gary D. Allison
--
Gary D. Allison
Professor of Law
University of Tulsa College of Law
3120 E. 4th Place
Tulsa, Ok 74104
(918) 631-3052 (O); (918) 631-2194 (F)
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

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