Hi

two points of correction to this post - (pointed out by jack rakove) These come from 
writing posts from memory at 1 a.m. in the morning.

1) When I said Blacks were members of the boston tea party - i should have said Boston 
Massacre. Don't know whether balcks were members of the boston tea party)

2) When I said blacks voted IN the ratifying convention, that was a typo.  I meant  
blacks would have voted FOR  the ratifying convention delegates, not that blacks were 
themselves delegates to the ratifying conventions. (although they may have been I 
don't know.).

yb





*********************************************
Professor Yvette M. Barksdale
Associate Professor of Law
The  John Marshall Law School
315 S. Plymouth Ct.
Chicago, IL 60604
(312) 427-2737
(email:)  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
*****************************************************


> ----------
> From:         Barksdale, Yvette
> Reply To:     Discussion list for con law professors
> Sent:         Wednesday, August 06, 2003 1:30 AM
> To:   [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> Subject:           Re: Dred Scott (was Scalia's Originalism)
>
> Sorry I'm late to this thread. I haven't checked in on list for a while. (And I'm 
> not trying to restart it). One question:
>
> Paul Finkelman writes:
>
> "Can you imagine SC ratifiying if it pinckney had come back and
> said you will have to deal with black us citizens?   "
>
> Paul, are you sure about this, re southern views re race (as opposed to slavery) in 
> 1787. Much of the virulently racist defense of slavery by southerners was developed, 
> wasn't it,  in the Nineteenth century as a response to antislavery arguments. And 
> with the exception of South Carolina and Georgia whose economies were most heavily 
> dependent on slave labor, most slave states around the founding time, encouraging 
> voluntary manumission of slaves.  Also, free blacks often owned substantial property 
> in many Southern states (don't know about South Carolina, per se) Is it so clear 
> that SC at the time of the founding  (as opposed to so pro-slavery) would have 
> objected so automatically to a race-neutral concept of citizenship.
>
> I've learned the hard way to defer to you on the history questions   but are you 
> sure about this.
>
> (OF course, this discussion bypasses the question, of whether,  even if you take an 
> originalist approach, a pre-condition of fidelity to original intent, is the 
> legitimacy of the group of  persons whose original intent you are referencing. There 
> is no reason why an African-American for example,  should accept the legitimacy of 
> any nation founding in which they were arbitrarily excluded from citizenship, even 
> though African-Americans were the majority of the population in many states, had 
> critical  battleground roles in the Revolutionary War (including being members of 
> the Boston Tea party), voted in the ratifying conventions for the Constitution, 
> etc., etc. Some minimal form of inclusiveness is a necessary precondition to 
> legitimacy of any founding isn't it? Unless, of course, power is justified solely by 
> power. IOW, would Pinckney have had the legitimate authority to exclude 
> African-Americans from citizenship, even if he had been determined to.)
>
> yb
>
>
>
> *********************************************
> Professor Yvette M. Barksdale
> Associate Professor of Law
> The  John Marshall Law School
> 315 S. Plymouth Ct.
> Chicago, IL 60604
> (312) 427-2737
> (email:)  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> *****************************************************
>
>
> > ----------
> > From:         Paul Finkelman[SMTP:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
> > Reply To:     Discussion list for con law professors
> > Sent:         Friday, August 01, 2003 9:43 PM
> > To:   [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> > Subject:           Re: Dred Scott (was Scalia's Originalism)
> >
> > I agree with Franck that it was reasonable to argue that free blacks
> > were citizens of hte US if you lived in some parts of the north; one>
> > assumes the Mass. framers believed this, from their experience.  but the
> > va, sc and ga framers would never have understood this is what they were
> > doing.  Can you imagine SC ratifiying if it pinckney had come back and
> > said you will have to deal with black us citizens?   there wre multiple
> > intentions, as mark graber pointed out.    The problem with
> > "originalism" and "intentions" is that we cannot know what it means; we
> > can look at text (is Franck now a strict constructionist/textualist?);
> > but the text says slavery is protected in many ways; intentions go
> > beyond text to the debates (where they can help us, but of course mostly
> > they can't).  But on slavery it is quite clear the southern framers
> > *intended* to support slavery and ratified with that intention.  See
> > Pinckney's speeches in SC or even Madison's and Randolph's in VA.  Thus,
> > on this point, it seems to be, as Mark Graber said earlier, that Taney's
> > orginalism is as plausible as anyone else's; I would argue more so,
> > given the proslavery nature of the constitution.
> >
> > I did not get into teh Dec of I, but the only reference to slavery there>
> > is at the end, when the Dec complains about the king freeing slaves to
> > fight against the patriots  (He has incited domestic insurrections.)  If
> > something in the Dec. of I. was supposed to apply to slaves -- if that
> > ws the *intent* of the DofI, I am sure the 40% of Virginia that was held
> > in slavery would have been happy to know about it.  But, neither the
> > primary author (the Master of Monticello) nor very many other southern
> > leaders, seemed to think that it applied.  Now, that leaves Prof. Franck
> > two alternatives.  Either he can concede that the Dec. of I's authors
> > did not intend it to apply to slavery or he can concend the founders,
> > starting with TJ, of being dishonest, hypocritcal, etc.
> >
> > we agree on the territories clause; but I think Taney's 5th Amendment
> > argument is powerful and goes to the heart of what slaveholders intended
> > when the wrote and ratified that amendment. surely they did not intend
> > it to be an abolitionist amendment; they intended it to protect their
> > property.
> >
> > Lincoln's Cooper Union speech -- as well as his House Divided Speech and
> > his debates with Douglas speeches are fine political rhetoric; I would
> > have voted for him; but it is not great history.  It is important for
> > those of us who admire Lincoln, but who are modern scholars, to
> > understand the difference between a great speech that fits and era, and
> > serious historical analaysis.  Lincoln was able to persuade the north
> > that his view of history was how it ought to be, but that does not mean
> > he was right about how it was.  fortunately, Lincoln was neither an
> > orginalist nor a text bound literalist.
> >
> >
> > (ps, please excuse typoes, i am working with one hand, the other is
> > taped up.)
> >
> > --
> > Paul Finkelman
> > Chapman Distinguished Professor of Law
> > University of Tulsa College of Law
> > 3120 East 4th Place
> > Tulsa, OK   74104-3189
> >
> > 918-631-3706 (office)
> > 918-631-2194 (fax)
> >
> > [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> >
>

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