This is yet another clear example how technology with wrong intent can play
havoc to dream and work of civil society; and total disempowerment of
community as a whole. 

Naimur Rahman



-----Original Message-----
From: [email protected] [mailto:[email protected]] On
Behalf Of Nishant | ??????
Sent: 10 April 2009 12:53
To: [email protected]
Subject: [cr-india] 'Mullah Radio', HImal, April 2009

Mullah Radio
April 2009
http://himalmag.com/Mullah-Radio_nw2883.html

(By using illegal FM radio broadcasts, militants in Pakistan are
gaining the stature of a parallel government, . But one government
response shows that the militants have power but not credibility.)

Here is a brief sample of a typical radio broadcast given recently by
Maulana Shah Doran, a cleric who has risen to fame for his fiery
transmissions in the Swat Valley: “I was coming to meet you people,
but the infidels” – the army, police, politicians – “were there, so I
cancelled my plans to visit the village of Shamozai Zarkhela. These
infidels are opposing Sharia, and I say that if they do not implement
it, we will enforce it on our own … they should be torn to pieces
instead of being beheaded.”

Residents estimate that the militancy that is currently plaguing the
valley owes some 90 percent of its strength to a single illegal FM
radio station – the same that now broadcasts Maulana Shah Doran – set
up by a local cleric in 2006. The story starts back in 1994, when
Maulana Sufi Mohammad, the head of the
Tehrek-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (the Movement for the Enforcement
of Islamic Law, or TNSM), began to wage a struggle against the state,
demanding the implementation of Sharia in the Malakand division of
Swat (see accompanying story, “The establishment a Taliban emirate”).
In 2001, Maulana Sufi took 10,000 men to fight the Americans in
Afghanistan, and suffered heavy casualties. After fleeing back to
Pakistan, the Maulana was imprisoned for seven years. But his
son-in-law, Maulana Fazlullah, was released on bail.

Back in Swat, Fazlullah set up an illegal FM radio station, known as
Fazlullah FM, broadcasting on 92 megahertz. The technology to do so
was not only quite affordable, costing as little as PKR 15,000 (less
than USD 200); it was also completely portable, thus allowing its
owners to easily outpace the authorities’ attempts to shut them down.
Despite the broadcast’s relatively small coverage area (it was at
first unable even to reach the rim of the Swat Valley), Fazlullah’s
nightly tirades against the Americans and then-President Pervez
Musharraf quickly earned him a degree of fame among the locals, who
dubbed him the ‘Radio Mullah’. Initially, Fazlullah confined his
rhetoric to reformation, which included the recitation and translation
of the Quran and Hadith (traditions), as well as the observance of
purdah for women. Using the electronic medium, he also advised the
destruction of television sets, CDs and VCRs, which he said were
sources of loose morality. One particularly insidious element of
Fazlullah’s doctrine was vehement opposition to the government’s
anti-polio campaign, which he claimed was a Western scheme to render
Muslims infertile.

Eventually, Fazlullah decided to establish a seminary in his native
village of Imam Dheri. When he appealed for donations on his
broadcast, he received an incredible response. At that time, in the
early days, Fazlullah was listened to mostly by women at home (and
children); indeed, this was the first time that women of the area had
ever been able to listen directly to a preaching mullah, as they are
traditionally absent from the actual sermons. At his beckoning, these
women donated their jewellery en masse, and he amassed a fortune
amounting to millions of rupees. But Fazlullah’s popularity among
women began to change in late October 2007, when militants loyal to
Fazlullah beheaded four policemen, parading their severed heads
through Swat. The women started to be less excited about Fazlullah.
This incident also marked the start of a reign of fear, as local
zealots increasingly looked to the Radio Mullah to fuel a war for the
enforcement of Sharia as well as against opponents including
politicians, the army, the police and those supporting them. As
fighting intensified, the station became increasingly powerful – and
ever more threatening to the army, police, politicians and civilians.

The broader reaction mirrored that of the women, though with an ironic
twist. In the beginning, the local menfolk and powerbrokers had not
taken Fazlullah’s broadcasts particularly seriously. But after a ban
was enacted on women visiting markets and on education for girls –
both of which were spearheaded by the radio station – the number of
listeners increased substantially. This was as much out of fear as
enthusiasm, however, with the population now desperate to stay
informed on exactly what the militants were planning – what they would
say about the fighting, at whom they would aim their threats on any
given day. While the Pakistan Army did briefly attempt to jam the
broadcasts, by playing music at the same frequency, the militants were
quickly able to adapt, by simply changing their broadcast frequency or
moving their equipment around.

Today, the station’s transmissions run two hours, from eight to ten
every evening, with a rebroadcast in the morning from seven to nine.
It is not clear from which city they are operating. Programmes include
sermons based on Quranic verses, threats to ‘opponents’ and a slot
titled “Good News”. This last generally includes news of various types
of violence – including Islamist actions, but also deaths from natural
calamities, epidemics, etc – at the national and international level.
The broadcasts have three principal speakers: Fazlullah, Maulana Shah
Doran and a third named Maulana Mohammad Alam. With Fazlullah, for
unknown reasons, having taken a back seat during the recent fighting,
Maulana Shah has emerged as the key presenter. He tends to use
derisive language against those in power in Islamabad, calling
President Asif Ali Zardari gaddari, Urdu for traitor, and calling
Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gillani the ‘prime donkey’. He tends to end
his broadcasts by hurling abuses at security officials, and issuing
threats to policemen by name.

Whether or not the Swat Taliban is currently winning or losing in its
fight against the state, it is certainly winning the propaganda war –
with no more than a modest radio transmitter. The state, meanwhile,
with all of its resources, has been unable to either shut the
broadcast down or contain its impact. Despite the full understanding
of the government and army of the threat this represents for rule of
law and civil discourse, the broadcasts in Swat have only gone from
strength to strength. Indeed, the range is steadily increasing, and
today can be heard in Chakdara and parts of Mardan, up to 60 km away.
Considering the direct impact that the station has had over the past
three years, it seems fairly clear what to expect from this increased
radio footprint. Today, Fazlullah is requesting that the government
legalise his radio station. Given the significant increase in power
wielded by the militants following the recent signing of a ‘peace
agreement’ between the Swat Taliban and the provincial government, it
should not be surprising if that happens. This would inevitably have
broad ramifications for the rest of the country.

Air wars
Illegal FM is also flourishing in Khyber Agency, just to the west of
Peshawar. Here, a station is run by a militant commander, Mangal Bagh,
of the Lashkar-e-Islam (LI, the Army of Islam), a hardline
organisation opposed to shrines, Sufi influence and faith healers. Now
35, Bagh was a bus cleaner in 2001 when he joined the secular Awami
National Party, and quickly rose to be secretary of the transport
association of the city of Bara, near Peshawar. He underwent something
of religious conversion and, in 2002, undertook a four-month tablighi
(proselytising) trip, after which he joined LI.

Not long after his return, by July 2004 Mufti Munir Shakir, then the
head of LI, and Pir Saifur Rehman, of a second militant group called
Ansar-ul-Islam, had both set up illegal FM broadcasts in order to
propagate their views. Indeed, a half-decade ago, up to nine illegal
FM stations were operating in the Khyber Agency. Today, however,
nearly all of these have closed, having fallen to the influence of
Lashkar-e-Islam and Ansar-ul-Islam. The broadcasts run by these two
groups, meanwhile, compete directly with each other. Locals listen
raptly to both, in order to be up on the claims and counterclaims of
both organisations – spats that could quickly have direct impacts on
their lives. These two groups have clashed physically on several
occasions, ending in the death of many. After one such clash, which
left 21 people dead, a tribal jirga asked both groups to leave the
agency. Subsequently, Mufti and Pir who were not locals, coming from
Hangu District in the NWFP and Afghanistan, respectively, were forced
to leave. At that point, Mangal Bagh, by then an important commander,
assumed charge of LI. Today he virtually controls Khyber Agency.

Broadcasting at 94.2 megahertz, Bagh spends most his 45-minute shows
either spouting propaganda against LI opponents, or preaching his own
version of Islam. Pirs (spiritual figures), faith healers and shrines
are his direct targets, and are lambasted for purportedly being
un-Islamic. Like Fazlullah’s set-up in Swat, Bagh’s equipment is
mobile, and much of the time he is able to cover even parts of
Peshawar. A second transmitter has recently been set up, allowing him
to operate in Bara and broadcast his edicts and teachings to the
people of Tirah, about 60 km away from Peshawar.

Also similar to what took place in Swat, at first Bagh’s broadcasts
were limited to recitations of the Quran, Hadith and the preaching of
virtue. With the passage of time, however, its tone has become
increasingly aggressive against his opponents. In March 2008, Bagh’s
followers attacked a 400-year-old shrine in the Shaikhan area of
Peshawar, killing 12 people and destroying the tomb. On 5 March this
year, militants bombed the shrine of Sufi poet Rehman Baba, regarded
as the national poet of the Pashtun; security officials blamed Bagh.
Community leaders, backed by some key political figures, have now
requested the government to take action against Bagh, threatening that
otherwise they will ‘take care’ of him themselves.

Recapturing ears

There have been a few notable attempts to counter militant radio. One
is a private venture, the Pak-Afghan Cross-border Radio Training and
Production (PACT), started in 2004 by John Butt, a Muslim chaplain at
Cambridge University and broadcasting in both Afghanistan and
Pakistan. PACT’s flagship program, “Da Pulay Poray” or Across the
Borderline, is a two-hour show in which journalists from both sides of
the Durand Line report on a range of social, cultural and other
relevant issues.

While there has been significant criticism regarding the government’s
seeming inability to do much to counter the growing influence of these
militant-operated radio broadcasts, it is not true that nothing is
being done on the official front, either. In May 2006, the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) Secretariat, which governs these
areas, launched its own radio channel, by the name of Radio Khyber.
Today, this station airs six hours of programmes daily in three-hour
stints, during the day and night. It offers programming focused
particularly on the youth, the elderly and women, including news and
reports on health, sanitation, education and militancy. The broadcast
area is quite large, able to be heard in Peshawar, Mardan, Malakand,
Mohmand Agency, parts of Bajaur and even in Swat.

Radio Khyber, broadcasting at 91 megahertz, is thus able to reach many
more people than are the individual militant broadcasts, and the local
people are making it clear which they prefer and why. The station
currently employs around 15 reporters, with the explicit aim of
attempting to offer objective, independent reporting and analysis of
the often complicated situation on the ground in Khyber Agency and the
surrounding area. Somewhat surprisingly, the station has thus far
remained free of intimidation by militants. The reason for this is
undoubtedly the strong backing that the channel has received from the
local community; workers at the station claim to receive some 300
telephone calls and 200 letters every week, from listeners requesting
particular songs or specially focused news analysis. This is due to a
very basic broadcast formula in comparison to the harangues on 94.2
and elsewhere: honest focus on real issues affecting ordinary
citizens. Clearly this is a significant change from the militant
broadcasts, which preach fear, broadcast threats and fervently focus
on issues ofimportance to the mullahs – and not to the local
communities themselves. How ironic that a government station is seen
to be more popular and credible than private stations. But that is
what happens when the airwaves are hijacked by militancy.

Manzoor Ali Shah is a staff reporter for the 'Daily Times' in Peshawar.
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