#1 US workers' productivity surges: Gerard Baker and Peronet Despeignes
#2 Not much of a new economy: Robert Gordon finds little evidence of a third
industrial revolution taking place across most of US industry
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#1 US workers' productivity surges
By Gerard Baker and Peronet Despeignes in Washington
Published: August 8 2000 20:17GMT | Last Updated: August 9 2000 04:44GMT



US workers' productivity grew at its fastest pace in 17 years in the year to
June, depressing labour costs and raising renewed confidence in financial
markets that the record-breaking expansion is set to continue.

Productivity - workers' output per hour - in the non-agricultural sectors of
the economy grew at a seasonally adjusted annual rate of 5.3 per cent in the
second quarter, the Labor department reported on Tuesday.

In the year to the end of the second quarter, output per hour rose by 5.1
per cent, the fastest year-on-year rate of increase since 1983.

The figures seemed to provide further evidence that investment in the
so-called new economy of information-technology enhanced production
processes has transformed US economic performance, raising the rate at which
the economy can safely grow without causing inflation.

Though workers also enjoyed a sharp rise in hourly pay - up by 4.7 per cent
in the year to June - the productivity surge meant unit labour costs
actually declined by 0.4 per cent.

The inflation-friendly news, combined with recent signs that the US economy
is cooling, could keep the Federal Reserve from raising short-term interest
rates when its policy-making open market committee meets on August 22.
Financial markets reacted positively as expectations that the Fed would not
move rates hardened.

"The recent surge in productivity growth evidenced in today's numbers has
kept both labour market tightness and inflation pressures in check for now,"
said Peter Hooper, chief US economist at Deutsche Bank in New York, who on
Tuesday left the dwindling ranks of Wall Street economists expecting an
increase in rates on August 22.

Enhanced productivity performance has been the key to US economic success in
the last few years. After 20 years during which productivity grew at an
average annual rate of around 1.5 per cent per year, the pace suddenly began
to accelerate in the mid-1990s.

The latest figures may somewhat overstate the trend rate of improvement.
Alan Greenspan, the Fed chairman, has indicated in the past that he favours
what appears to be a more reliable measure of productivity growth than the
headline non- agricultural business figure - the non-financial corporate
sector productivity. Second quarter figures for this measure will not be
available until September but recent data suggest growth is in the range of
4 per cent a year.

The most striking aspect of the figures, however, is that productivity
growth still appears to be accelerating. Some of the improvement in output
per hour is almost certainly the result of cyclical factors. The strong
demand growth of recent years has been met in part by companies sweating
more productivity out of their labour force.

But there seems little serious dispute with the view of Mr Greenspan that
much of the increase is structural. The Fed chairman has also noted that,
while the US has undergone a transformation in the last few years, other
countries have not recorded any noticeable improvement in productivity. He
suggested last month that may be because labour market rigidities make it
harder for European and Japanese companies to substitute labour-saving
technology for workers.

 -----------------------------------------------------------


#2 Not much of a new economy
Robert Gordon finds little evidence of a third industrial revolution taking
place across most of US industry
Published: July 25 2000 18:54GMT | Last Updated: July 25 2000 19:01GMT



The "new economy" has been compared in importance to the invention of
electricity and the internal combustion engine, and journalists frequently
describe it as an industrial revolution. Is this comparison to these great
inventions of a century ago justified?

It would be much too broad to describe the new economy as "everything the
electronic computer has ever achieved". Decades ago, mainframe computers
transformed the production of bank statements, telephone bills, and
facilitated multimillion trading days on securities markets. But the
mainframe did not budge the growth rate of US productivity from the doldrums
during the dismal years of 1972 to 1995.

Yet the new economy is suddenly upon us, represented by the miracle of
American economic growth since 1995 outstripping what was previously thought
possible. A focused definition of the new economy is the acceleration of
technical change in computer production since 1995.

As shown in the chart, the price of computer power measured in megabytes of
memory or gigabytes of hard drive capacity fell after 1995 at 30 to 40 per
cent a year - double the rate of price decline before 1995. This
technological acceleration has been accompanied by the invention of web
browsers and widespread internet access.

My sceptical view of the new economy starts with an empirical observation
that US productivity acceleration has been lopsided. While productivity
growth has taken off in durable manufacturing, including not only computer
hardware but also telecommunications, automotive manufacture and
steel-making, there has been no visible productivity pay-off for massive
computer investment in the remaining 88 per cent of the economy.

The second part of the sceptic's case relates to the description of the new
economy as an industrial revolution. First, let us "peel the onion" of the
US productivity acceleration since the end of 1995, when productivity has
grown 2.75 per cent at an annual rate, in contrast to the dismal years of
1972 to 1995 when the growth rate was only 1.42 per cent a year. The chart
peels apart this acceleration of 1.33 percentage points a year into its
underlying components.

First comes the cyclical component. When output growth is unsustainably
fast - as in 1999 - productivity also grows faster than its sustainable
long-run trend. This removes 0.5 percentage points, leaving the acceleration
in the sustainable trend at 0.83 percentage points. Two minor components -
changes in measurement and a slight improvement in labour composition -
account for another 0.19 points, reducing unexplained acceleration to 0.64
points.

This 0.64 points was achieved almost entirely within the durable
manufacturing sector, consisting of a 0.29 contribution from faster
technical change in computer hardware, and another 0.28 from technological
acceleration in the rest of durable manufacturing. What is left over for the
remaining 88 per cent of the economy outside durables? Only 0.07 per cent -
a mere pittance.

The vast majority of computers are installed outside durable manufacturing.
The standard arithmetic used by economists suggests that this massive
investment in computers, the so-called "capital-deepening" effect, should
have increased productivity growth by about 0.33 points - not the mere 0.07
that emerges from my analysis. Either the computers have been remarkably
unproductive, or there has been a technological retardation outside the
durable goods sector. Something is wrong; what could it be?

There are a number of differences between the computer and the great
inventions of the late 19th century, but perhaps the largest is the
unprecedented rate of decline in the price of computer power. Elementary
economics shows that this rapid decline in the marginal cost of computer
power must be matched by an equally rapid decline in its marginal utility,
or benefit. Exponential increases in computer capability collide with a
fixed supply of human time to invoke diminishing returns to computer
capability at an unprecedented rate. In my case, the PC on my desk
represents 30 times as much GDP as the one that sat there in 1983, but
neither my mind nor fingers move any faster now.

The important puzzle of the new economy is why the internet has attracted
such huge amounts of investment in computer hardware and software without
any visible productivity pay-off outside durable manufacturing. At least
four factors may play a role in this: market share protection; re-creation
of old activities; duplicative activity; and personal internet use while at
work.

First, the need to protect market share against competitors explains much
internet activity. Barnes and Noble and Borders would have been content to
play a dominant role in book retailing, but were forced by competition from
Amazon to become "clicks and mortar" organisations.

Second, much internet content is not truly new, but rather consists of
pre-existing forms of information - airline schedules and stock quotes -
made available more cheaply and conveniently. In contrast, the great
inventions of the late 19th century created truly new products and
activities.

Third is duplication. Much e-commerce is an alternative to mail-order
catalogue shopping. Yet the catalogues have not disappeared. Indeed, with
the exception of the initial step of replacing a human telephone response
with a computer interface, e-commerce duplicates all the other costs of
catalogue retailing: building and stocking warehouses, selecting items from
warehouse shelves, and so on.

Fourth is the problem of the growing distraction of personal web surfing.
One research service found that people spend more than twice as much time
online at the office as they do at home. Employers are so disturbed by the
continuing use of office computers for personal use that the number of
companies using "surveillance software" to monitor their employees' e-mail
usage is soaring.

The rapid onset of diminishing returns suggests that the greatest
productivity contribution of computers lies in the past, not in the future.
Enthusiasts should reconsider whether the new economy and internet will
transform everyday life as profoundly as did electric light, the electric
motor, home appliances, the commercial aircraft, and other components of the
second industrial revolution of a century ago.

The writer is Stanley Harris professor of economics at Northwestern
University



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