>From: "Gregory Elich" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>Subject: NATO Preparing New Military Strike in Balkans
>Date: Sun, 27 Aug 2000 15:13:53 -0400
>
>NATO PREPARING NEW MILITARY STRIKE IN BALKANS
>
>By Gregory Elich
>
>       Quietly, NATO is laying plans for a new military strike against
>Yugoslavia.   On August 13 through 15, CIA Director George Tenet visited
>Bulgaria.  In a series of extraordinary meetings, Tenet met with Bulgarian
>President Petur Stoyanov, as well as the Prime Minister, Interior Minister
>and Defense Minister.  Officially, the purpose of Tenet's visit was to
>discuss the problem of organized crime and narcotics.  However, Tenet spent
>a combined total of only 20 minutes at the headquarters of the National
>Security Service and the National Service for Combating Organized Crime.
>Unnamed diplomatic sources revealed that the proposed oil transit pipeline
>from the Caspian Sea was also topic of discussion.
>       The driving motivation for Tenet's visit, though, was to discuss
>Yugoslavia.  According to an unnamed diplomatic source, Montenegrin
>secession from Yugoslavia topped the agenda.  Following the meeting between
>Tenet and Major General Dimo Gyaurov, Director of the National Intelligence
>Service, a public statement was issued which stressed their "commonality of
>interests."  Reports in the Bulgarian press revealed that various options
>were discussed with Bulgaria's president and prime minister.  Tenet's
>preferred option is the removal of the Yugoslav government, either as a
>result of that country's election on September 24, or by a NATO military
>assault that would install a puppet government.  Another scenario would
>follow the secession of Montenegro from Yugoslavia.   If open warfare breaks
>out over Montenegro's secession, then the United States plans to wage a
>full-scale war against Yugoslavia, as it did in spring 1999.  Sofia's
>Monitor reported that the "CIA coup machine" is forming.  "A strike against
>Belgrade is imminent," it adds, and "Bulgaria will serve as a base."  (1)
>       The Italian army recently signed a lease contract to conduct training
>exercises beginning in October at the Koren training ground, near Kaskovo in
>southeast Bulgaria.  The French army signed a similar agreement, in which
>French soldiers and tanks will train at the Novo Selo grounds in central
>Bulgaria from October 11 to December 12.  Talks are also underway for the
>U.S. military to lease the Shabla training grounds in northeastern Bulgaria.
>Scheduled to take place following the election in Yugoslavia, the training
>exercises could serve as a launching pad for NATO's planned military strike.
>It was recently announced that the British aircraft carrier HMS Invincible
>is to be redeployed to the Adriatic over the next few months in support of a
>potential conflict over Montenegro (2)
>     Military force is only one component of the West's destabilization
>campaign against Yugoslavia.  In November 1998, President Clinton launched a
>plan for the overthrow of the government of Yugoslavia.  The initial
>emphasis of the plan centered on supporting secessionist forces in
>Montenegro and the right-wing opposition in Serbia.  (3)  Several months
>later, during the bombing of Yugoslavia, Clinton signed a secret paper
>instructing the CIA to topple the Yugoslav government.  The plan called for
>the CIA to secretly fund opposition groups and the recruitment of moles in
>the Yugoslav government and military.  (4)
>On July 8, 1999, U.S. and British officials revealed that commando teams
>were training snatch operations to seize alleged war criminals and Yugoslav
>President Slobodan Milosevic.   As an encouragement to mercenaries, the U.S.
>State Department also announced a $5 million bounty for President Milosevic.
>(5)
>     Several Yugoslav government officials and prominent individuals,
>including Defense Minister Pavle Bulatovic, have been gunned down.  Most of
>these crimes remain unsolved, as the assassins managed to escape.   Police
>apprehended one assassin, Milivoje Gutovic, after he shot Vojvodina
>Executive Council President Bosko Perosevic at an agricultural fair in Novi
>Sad.  During interrogations, Gutovic admitted to police that he worked for
>the right-wing Serbian Renewal Movement.  (6)
>      Goran Zugic, security advisor to secessionist Montenegrin President
>Milo Djukanovic, was murdered late on May 31, 2000.  The assassin escaped,
>allowing Western leaders to blame President Milosevic.  Coming just one week
>before crucial local elections in Montenegro, forces opposing President
>Milosevic stood to gain from the murder, as the effect would tend to sway
>undecided voters in favor of secessionist parties.  A few days after the
>assassination, Yugoslav Minister of Information Goran Matic held a press
>conference, at which he accused the CIA of complicity in the murder.  Matic
>played a taped recording of two telephone conversations between head of the
>US mission in Dubrovnik Sean Burns, US State Department official James
>Swaggert, Gabriel Escobar of the US economic group in Montenegro and Paul
>Davies of the US Agency for International Development.  Excerpts of the
>conversations, recorded 20 minutes after the assassination and again three
>hours later, included comments such as, "It was professional," and "Mission
>accomplished." (7)
>       The first publicly known Western plan to assassinate President
>Milosevic was drafted in 1992.  Richard Tomlinson, a former British MI6
>employee, later disclosed the plan.  His task as an MI6 agent was to carry
>out undercover operations in Eastern Europe posing as a businessman or
>journalist.  Tomlinson frequently met with MI6 officer Nick Fishwick.
>During one their meetings, Fishwick showed Tomlinson a document entitled,
>"The Need to Assassinate President Milosevic of Serbia."  Three methods were
>proposed for the assassination of Milosevic.  The first method, Tomlinson
>recalled, "was to train and equip a Serbian paramilitary opposition group,"
>which would have the advantage of deniability but an unpredictable chance of
>success.  The second method would employ a specially trained British SAS
>squad to murder President Milosevic "either with a bomb or sniper ambush."
>Fishwick considered this more reliable, but it lacked deniability.  The
>third method would be to kill Milosevic "in a staged car crash."  (8)
>Seven years later, on October 3, 1999, the third method was employed against
>the leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement, Vuk Draskovic, when a truck
>filled with sand plowed into his car, killing everyone inside except for
>Draskovic.  The temperamental Draskovic had been a major factor in the
>chronic fragmentation of the right-wing opposition, frustrating Washington's
>efforts to forge a unified opposition.  (9)
>     During NATO's war against Yugoslavia, a missile struck President
>Milosevic's home on April 22, 1999.  He and his wife were staying elsewhere
>that evening.  Pentagon spokesman Ken Bacon was quick to announce that "we
>are not targeting President Milosevic."  It is impossible, though, to view a
>missile striking Milosevic's bedroom at 3:10 AM as anything but an
>assassination attempt. (10)
>     In November 1999, members of an assassination squad, code-named
>"Spider," were arrested in Yugoslavia.  According to Minister Goran Matic,
>"French intelligence was behind" the Spider group, whose aim was the
>assassination of President Milosevic.  Planned scenarios included a sniper
>attack, planting an explosive device alongside a route they expected
>Milosevic to travel, planting an explosive in his car, and organizing 10
>trained commandos to storm the presidential residence.  The leader of the
>group, Jugoslav Petrusic, had dual Yugoslav and French citizenship.  Matic
>claimed that Petrusic worked for French intelligence for ten years.  During
>interrogations, Petrusic said that he had killed 50 men on orders by French
>intelligence.  Matic announced that one of the members of Spider was a
>"specialist for killings with a truck full of sand" - the same method used
>against Draskovic the previous month.
>     Following the Bosnian war, Petrusic organized the transport of 180
>Bosnian Serb mercenaries to fight for Mobutu Sese Seku in Zaire, an affair
>that was managed by French intelligence.  According to a Bosnian Serb
>businessman, Petrusic "did not hide the fact that he was working for the
>French intelligence service.  I have personally seen a photo of him next to
>Mitterand as his bodyguard."  In younger days, Petrusic was a member of the
>French Foreign Legion.  During NATO's war against Yugoslavia, the Spider
>group infiltrated the Yugoslav Army, supplying information to the French and
>guiding NATO warplanes to their targets.
>    Yugoslav secret service sources revealed that the Spider group trained
>at NATO bases in Bosnia where "buildings resembling those where Milosevic
>lives were constructed."   Money from the French intelligence service for
>Spider was brought to the border between Hungary and Yugoslavia by a man
>named Serge Lazarevic.  (11)
>      One month later, the members of a second hit team, calling itself the
>Serbian Liberation Army, was arrested.   Their aim was to assassinate
>President Milosevic and restore the monarchy.  (12)
>       At the end of July 2000, a squad of four Dutch commandos was
>apprehended while attempting to cross into Serbia from Montenegro.  During
>the investigation, they admitted that they intended to kill or kidnap
>President Milosevic.  The four said that they were informed that $30 million
>had been offered for "Milosevic's head," and that they intended to "claim a
>reward."  One of the men said that the group planned to abduct Milosevic or
>former Bosnian Serb President Radovan Karadzic and "surrender them to The
>Hague."  The group planned to put them atop a car "in a ski box and
>transport them.out of the country."   If the abduction failed, one of the
>men "had the idea to kill the president, to decapitate his head, to put it
>in the box and to send it home" to the Netherlands.
>        One of the arrested men, Gotfrides de Ri, belonged to the openly
>racist neo-nazi Center Party.  During the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, the
>Center Party sent Dutch mercenaries to fight in right-wing Croatian
>paramilitary units.  At the time of their arrest, the four were found with
>several knives, including one with a swastika, and wires with hooks for
>strangulation.   All four admitted that they had trained under the British
>SAS.  At a news conference on August 1, Goran Matic accused the U.S of being
>the prime sponsor of assassinations and attempted assassinations.  "It is
>obvious that they are recruiting various terrorist groups because they are
>frustrated with the fact that their military, political and economic goals
>in southeastern Europe have not been realized. [They are] trying to send
>them into the country so that they can change our political and social
>environment." (13)  Jonathan Eyal, an advisor to the British government,
>commented recently, "I can't say when it will happen, but I can guarantee
>that Milosevic will end up dead, and he will be followed by a more
>pro-Western government."  (14)
>      Flagrant Western interference is distorting the political process in
>Yugoslavia.  U.S. and Western European funds are channelled to right-wing
>opposition parties and media through such organizations as the National
>Endowment for Democracy and George Soros' Open Society Institute.  The
>National Democratic Institute (NDI) is yet another of the myriad
>semi-private organizations that have attached themselves like leeches on
>Eastern Europe.  The NDI opened an office in Belgrade in 1997, hoping to
>capitalize on opposition attempts to bring down the government through
>street demonstrations.  By 1999, the NDI had already trained over 900
>right-wing party leaders and activists on "message development, public
>outreach and election strategy."  NDI also claimed to have provided
>"organizational training and coalition-building expertise" to the
>opposition.  (15)
>     The New Serbia Forum, funded by the British Foreign Office, brings
>Serbian professionals and academics to Hungary on a regular basis for
>discussions with British and Central European "experts."  The aim of the
>meetings is to "design a blueprint for post-Milosevic society."  The Forum
>develops reports intended to serve as "an action plan" for a future
>pro-Western government.  Subjects under discussion have included
>privatization and economic stabilization.  The Forum calls for the
>"reintegration of Yugoslavia into the European family," a phrase that
>translates into the dismantling of the socialist economy and inviting
>Western corporations to swarm in. (16)
>      Western aims were clearly spelled out in the Stability Pact for
>Southeastern Europe of June 10, 1999.  This document called for "creating
>vibrant market economies" in the Balkans, and "markets open to greatly
>expanded foreign trade and private sector investment."   One year later, the
>White House issued a fact sheet detailing the "major achievements" of the
>Pact.  Among the achievements listed, the European Bank for Reconstruction
>and Development (EBRD) and the International Finance Corporations are said
>to be "mobilizing private investment."  By 2002, "new private investment in
>the region" is expected to reach nearly $2 billion.  The Pact's Business
>Advisory Council "is visiting all of the countries of Southeast Europe" to
>"offer advice" on investment issues.  Another initiative is Hungarian
>involvement with opposition-led local governments and opposition media in
>Serbia.
>       The Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), on July 26, 2000,
>inaugurated an investment fund to be managed by Soros Private Funds
>Management.  The Southeast Europe Equity Fund, "will invest in companies in
>the region in a range of sectors."  Its purpose, according to the U.S.
>Embassy in Macedonia, is "to provide capital for new business development,
>expansion and privatization."  In March 2000, Montenegro signed an agreement
>permitting the operation of OPIC on its territory.   Billionaire George
>Soros spelled out what all this means.  U.S. involvement in the region, he
>said, "creates investment opportunities," and "I am happy to put my money
>where they are putting theirs."  In other words, there is money to be made.
>George Munoz, President and CEO of OPIC was also blunt.  "The Southeast
>Europe Equity Fund," he announced, "is an ideal vehicle to connect American
>institutional capital with European entrepreneurs eager to help Americans
>tap their growing markets.  OPIC is pleased that Soros Private Funds
>Management has chosen to send a strong, positive signal that Southeast
>Europe is open for business."
>       The final text of the Stability Pact for Southeast Europe suggested
>that a Yugoslavia that would "respect" the Pact's "principles and
> objectives" would be "welcome" to become a full member.  "In order to draw
>the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia closer to this goal," the document
>declared, Montenegro would be an "early beneficiary."  Western leaders hope
>that a future pro-Western Yugoslavia would, as has the rest of Eastern
>Europe, be "eager to help Americans" make money.  (17)
>     Western leaders yearn to install a puppet government in Belgrade, and
>place their hopes in the fragmented right-wing opposition parties in Serbia.
>In 1999, American officials encouraged these parties to organize mass
>demonstrations to overthrow the government, but these rallies quickly
>fizzled due to lack of popular support.  When Yugoslav Federal and local
>elections were announced  for July 24, 2000, American and Western European
>officials met with leaders of the Serbian opposition parties, urging them to
>unite behind one presidential candidate.  Despite U.S. efforts, three
>candidates emerged in opposition to President Milosevic.
>      At the beginning of August 2000, the U.S. opened an office in Budapest
>specifically tasked to assist opposition parties in Yugoslavia.  Among the
>staff are 24 psychological warfare specialists who engaged in psychological
>operations during NATO's war against Yugoslavia and earlier against Iraq in
>the Gulf War.  During those operations, the team also fabricated news items
>in an effort to sway Western public opinion.
>       If President Milosevic is re-elected, then U.S. Secretary of State
>Madeleine Albright expects street demonstrations to overturn the election
>results and topple the government.  In meetings held in Banja Luka in spring
>2000, Albright expressed disappointment with the failure of past efforts to
>overthrow the legally elected Yugoslav government.  Albright said that she
>had hoped sanctions would lead people to "blame Milosevic for this
>suffering."  An exasperated Albright wondered, "What was stopping the people
>from taking to the streets?"  Indicating that the U.S. was casting about for
>a pretext for intervention, she added, "Something needs to happen in Serbia
>that the West can support."  (18)
>      The paths of Yugoslavia's two republics are sharply diverging, and
>Montenegro has embarked on a program to place its entire economy at the
>service of the West.    November 1999 saw the introduction in Montenegro of
>the German mark as an official currency and the passage of legislation
>eliminating socially owned property.  One month later, several large firms
>were publicly offered for sale, including the Electric Power Company, the
>13th July Agricultural Complex, the Hotel-Tourist firm Boka and many others.
>(19)  The republic's privatization program for 2000 calls for the
>privatization of most state-owned industries, and includes measures to
>"protect domestic and foreign investors."  Three hundred firms will be
>privatized in the initial stage of the plan.  In early 2000, the U.S. signed
>an agreement to provide Montenegro $62 million, including $44 million from
>the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).  According to the
>agency, it will also undertake "assistance programs to support economic
>reform and restructuring the economy..to advance Montenegro toward a free
>market economy."  U.S. policy advisor on the Balkans James Dobbins indicated
>that the U.S. viewed the "market-oriented reforms of the Djukanovic regime
>as a model and stimulus for similar reforms throughout the former
>Yugoslavia."  The U.S. is also offering guarantees for private investors in
>the republic.  Additional aid is provided by the European Union, which  has
>approved $36 million for Montenegro.  "From the first day," admitted
>Djukanovic, "we have had British and European consultants." (20)
>        The Center for International Private Enterprise, an affiliate of the
>U.S. Chamber of Commerce, is providing support to the Center for
>Entrepreneurship (CEP) in Montenegro.  According to the center's executive
>director, Petar Ivanovic, the organization "focuses on elementary and high
>schools," establishing entrepreneurship as a new subject to be taught in
>schools.  As Ivanovic explains it, "Introducing young people to the concept
>of entrepreneurship will make them less resistant to the private sector."
>The CEP also intends to "educate government officials about the potential
>rewards of the private sector," and to help them "understand the benefits of
>economic reform and privatization."  (21)  According to Djukanovic, when he
>met with President Clinton on June 21, 1999, the U.S. president gave the
>privatization process a push by telling Djukanovic that the U.S. planned to
>"stimulate the economy" by "encouraging US corporations and banks to invest
>capital in Montenegro." (22)
>      Djukanovic has moved steadily toward secession from Yugoslavia,
>indicating that he will push for separation if the right-wing opposition
>loses the September 24 election.  In a phone call to Djukanovic in July
>2000, Madeleine Albright promised that the U.S would provide him with an
>additional $16.5 million.  That same week, Djukanovic blurted out that
>Montenegro "is no longer part of Yugoslavia."  He also made the astonishing
>claim that he considered it a "priority" for Montenegro to join NATO, the
>organization that had bombed his country only the year before.  The next
>month, Albright announced that she and Djukanovic "try and talk to each
>other and meet on a regular basis," and that the "United States is
>supportive of the approach that President Djukanovic has taken in terms of
>democratic development and his approach to the economic reforms also."  (23)
>     Western support for secession extends beyond Albright meeting and
>talking with Djukanovic.  More than half of the population of Montenegro
>opposes secession, and any such move is likely to explode into violence.  In
>preparation for that rift, Djukanovic is building up a private army of over
>20,000 soldiers, the Special Police, including special forces armed with
>anti-tank weapons.  Sources in Montenegro revealed that Western special
>forces are training this private army.   Djukanovic has requested that NATO
>establish an "air shield over Montenegro" as he moves toward secession.  One
>member of the Special Police, named Velibor, confirmed that they were
>receiving training from the British SAS.   "If there is a situation where
>weapons will decide the outcome, we are ready," he said.  "We are training
>for that."  At a press conference on August 1, 2000,  Minister Goran Matic
>declared that the "British are carrying out part of the training of the
>Montenegrin special units.  It is also true," he added, that the Special
>Police "are intensively obtaining various kinds and types of weapons,
>starting with anti-aircraft and anti-helicopter weapons and so on, and they
>are also being assisted by Croatia, as the weapons go through Dubrovnik and
>other places." Furthermore, Matic pointed out that, "last year, before and
>after the aggression, a group from within the Montenegrin MUP [Ministry of
>Interior Affairs] structure left for training within the U.S. police
>structure and the U.S. intelligence structures."   In August, two armored
>vehicles bound for Montenegro were discovered in the port of Ancona, Italy.
>One of the vehicles was fitted with a turret suitable for mounting a machine
>gun or anti-tank weapon.  Italian customs officials, reports the Italian
>news service ANSA, are "convinced" that arms trafficking to Montenegro "is
>of far greater magnitude than this single episode might lead one to
> believe."  Revelling in anticipation of armed conflict, Djukanovic bragged
>that "many will tuck their tails between their legs and will soon have to
>flee Montenegro."  (24)
>      A violent conflict in Montenegro would provide NATO with its
>long-desired pretext for intervention.  As early as October 1999, General
>Wesley Clark drew up plans for a NATO invasion of Montenegro.  The plan
>envisions an amphibious assault by more than 2,000 Marines storming the port
>of Bar and securing the port as a beachhead for pushing inland.  Troops
>ferried by helicopters would seize the airport at Podgorica, while NATO
>warplanes would bomb and strafe resisting Yugoslav forces.  According to
>U.S. officials, other Western countries have also developed invasion plans.
>(25)   Richard Holbrooke, U.S. Ambassador to the UN declared, "We are in
>constant touch with the leadership of Montenegro," and warned that a
>conflict in Montenegro "would be directly affecting NATO's vital interest."
>(26)  NATO General Secretary George Robertson was more explicit.  "I say to
>Milosevic: watch out, look what happened the last time you miscalculated."
>(27)
>     President Milosevic and the ruling coalition enjoy considerable popular
>support in Yugoslavia, and many Western analysts admit they are likely to
>emerge victorious in the September 24 election.  This will set in motion,
>possibly within a few months, a NATO strike launched from Bulgaria intended
>to overthrow the legally elected government of Yugoslavia.  If the coup
>fails, then Montenegro could declare independence, setting in motion a chain
>of events that would lead to a second all out war by NATO against
>Yugoslavia.   The war in 1999 brought immense suffering to the Balkans.  The
>next war promises to be catastrophic.
>
>NOTES
>
>1) "Bulgaria - Press Review" BTA (Sofia), August 12, 2000
>"Bulgaria - Us CIA Director's Visit," BTA (Sofia), August 15, 2000
>"CIA Did Not Tell Us the Most Important Thing," Trud (Sofia), August 16,
>2000
>"Bulgaria - Press Review," BTA (Sofia), August 14, 2000
>"Bulgaria - Press Review," BTA (Sofia), August 16, 2000
>
>2) Mila Avramova, "Italians Lease Training Ground for 400,000 Leva," Trud
>(Sofia), August 9, 2000
>Michael Evans, "Balkans Watch for 'Invincible'," The Times (London), August
>26, 2000.
>
>3) Paul Beaver, "Clinton Tells CIA to Oust Milosevic," The Observer,
>November 29, 2000.
>Fran Visnar, "Clinton and the CIA Have Created a Scenario to Overthrow
>Milosevic,"                Vijesnik (Zagreb), November 30, 2000.
>
>4) Douglas Waller, "Tearing Down Milosevic," Time Magazine, July 12, 1999.
>
>5) Michael Moran, "A Threat to 'Snatch' Milosevic," MSNBC, July 8, 1999.
>
>6)    "Yugoslav Police Say Killer of Local Leader Worked for Opposition,"
>Agence France-Presse,
>        May 15, 2000.
>       "Arrested Assassin Gutovic Member of Otpor and SPO," Tanjug
>(Belgrade), May 15, 2000.
>
>7) "Yugoslav Official Accuses CIA of Being Behind Montenegro Murder," Agence
>France-Presse,
>June 6, 2000.
>Aleksandar Vasovic, "Serb Aide Says CIA Behind Slaying," Associated Press,
>June 6, 2000
>"Yugoslav Information Minister Accuses CIA of Complicity in Zugic Murder,"
>Borba (Belgrade),
>June 6, 2000
>
>8) Statement by Richard Tomlinson, addressed to John Wadham, September 11,
>1998.
>
>9) "Serb Consensus:  Draskovic Crash Was No Accident," Seattle Times News
>Services, October 13,
>1999.
>
>10) "NATO: Milosevic Not Target," BBC News, April 22, 1999.
>
>11) "Serbs Allege Milosevic Assassination Plot," Reuters, November 25, 1999.
>"France Plots to Murder Milosevic," Agence France-Presse, November 26, 1999.
>"SFOR Units Involved in a Plot to Kill Milosevic," Agence France-Presse,
>December 1, 1999.
>Gordana Igric, "Alleged 'Assassins' Were No Stranger to France," IWPR Balkan
>Crisis Report (London), November 26, 1999.
>Milenko Vasovic, "Belgrade's French Connection," IWPR Balkan Crisis Report
>(London), November 26, 1999.
>
>12)  "Lt. Testifies at Milosevic Trial," Associated Press, April 26, 2000.
>
>13) Aleksandar Vasovic, "4 Accused of Milosevic Death Plot," Associated
>Press, July 31, 2000.
>"Dutchmen Arrested, Accused of Plotting Against Milosevic," Agence
>France-Presse, July 31, 2000.
>Email correspondence from Herman de Tollenaere, quoting from NRC- Business
>Paper of August 1, 2000.
>"Arrested Dutchmen Admitted Plans to Kill, Kidnap Milosevic," BETA
>(Belgrade), August 17, 2000.
>"Dutch Espionage Terrorist Gang Arrested in Yugoslavia - Minister," Tanjug
>(Belgrade), July 31, 2000.
>"Yugoslav Information Minister Says U.S. Behind Dutch 'Mercenaries'," BBC
>Monitoring Service, August 1, 2000.
>
>14)  "West Sees Noose Tightening Around Milosevic," Reuters, June 9, 2000.
>
>15)  "NDI Activities in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
>(Serbia-Montenegro)," NDI Worldwide
>Activities, www.ndi.org
>
>16) "Britain Trains New Elite for Post-Milosevic Era," The Independent, May
>3, 2000.
>The New Serbia Forum web page,
>http://ds.dial.pipex.com/town/way/glj77/Serbia.htm
>
>17) "Final Text of Stability Pact for Southeast Europe," June 10, 1999.
>U.S. Embassy, Skopje, Macedonia, "Southeast Europe Equity Fund Launched July
>26," July 27, 2000.
>White House Fact Sheet, "The Stability Pact for Southeast Europe: One Year
>Later," July 27, 2000.
>
>18) Borislav Komad, "At Albright's Signal," Vecernje Novosti, May 18, 2000.
>"US Anti-Yugoslav Office Opens in Budapest," Tanjug (Belgrade), August 21,
>2000.
>
>19) Ljubinka Cagorovic, "Montenegro Assembly Scraps Socially-Owned
> Property," Reuters,
>November 13, 1999.
>"Montenegrin Government Prepares to Privatise Economy," Tanjug (Belgrade),
>December 25, 1999.
>
>20) Central and Eastern European Business Information Center, "Southeastern
>Europe Business Brief,"
>February 3, 2000.
>Central and Eastern European Business Information Center, "Southeastern
>Europe Business Brief,"
>April 27, 2000.
>Anne Swardson, "West Grows Close to Montenegro," Washington Post, May 24,
>2000.
>
>21) Petar Invanovic, "Montenegro: Laying the Foundation of
> Entrepreneurship," Center for International
>Private Enterprise.
>
>22) Statement by Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic, "Important Step in
>Opening New Perspectives
>For Montenegrin State Policy,"  Pobjeda (Podgorica), June 22, 1999.
>
>23) "Albright Renews Montenegro Support," Associated Press, July 13, 2000.
>"Montenegro Wants to Join NATO and the EU," Agence France-Presse, July 10,
>2000.
>Office of the Spokesman, U.S. Department of State, "Secretary of State
>Madeleine K. Albright and
>Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic," Press Stakeout at Excelsior Hotel,
>Rome, Italy, August 1,
>2000.
>
>24) "Montenegro Ahead of Elections: Boycott and Threats," BETA (Belgrade),
>August 9, 2000.
>"Montenegro and Elections - Boycott Becomes Official," BETA (Belgrade),
>August 17, 2000.
>Phil Reese, "We Have the Heart for Battle, Says Montenegrin Trained by SAS,"
>The Independent,
>July 30, 2000.
>"Yugoslav Information Minister Says U.S. Behind Dutch 'Mercenaries'", BBC
>Monitoring Service,
>August 1, 2000.
>"Yugoslavia Says British SAS Trains Montenegrins," Reuters, August 1, 2000.
>"Information Minister Sees Montenegrin Arms Purchases, Croatian Assistance,"
>BETA (Belgrade),
>July 31, 2000.
>"Foreign 'Dogs of War' Training Montenegrin Police to Attack Army," Tanjug
>(Belgrade), August 9, 2000.
>"Montenegro: Camouflaged Military Vehicles Seized in Ancona," ANSA (Rome),
>August 21, 2000.
>"Montenegro: Traffic in Camouflaged Armored Vehicles: Investigation into
>Documentation,"  ANSA (Rome), August 22, 2000.
>
>25) Richard J. Newman, "Balkan Brinkmanship," US News and World Report,
>November 15, 1999.
>
>26) "Clinton Warns Milosevic 'Remains a Threat to Peace'," Agence
>France-Presse, July 29, 2000.
>
>27)  "NATO's Robertston Warns Milosevic on Montenegro," Reuters, July 27,
>2000.





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