The Times: Crisis looms again for the cartel as it celebrates its 40th
anniversary


FROM the elegance of Prague to the slums of Caracas there is a distance to
travel and the measure is not just geography. A sombre Group of Seven (G7)
industrial nations met in the Central European capital last week and berated
oil producers for creating the conditions for an inflationary slump.

In Caracas, the meeting of the Opec heads of state will put on a brave front
of back-slapping and kisses. It is the 40th anniversary of the oil
producer's cartel, an achievement of some significance for such a collection
of squabbling and unstable nations. The 11 Opec members are celebrating at a
critical juncture. A winter energy crisis of shortages and high prices looms
but Opec is worried about an oil glut.

Opec member states are currently in clover; an unprecedented show of
solidarity by the cartel rescued the oil price and several Opec countries
from disaster in 1998.

So successful were the three production cuts that followed oil's $10 per
barrel trough that the commodity is now being fingered as the biggest risk
for the world economy. Energydependent companies in the US and in Europe are
issuing profits warnings; enormous political pressure is being brought to
bear on Opec to bring the price down. Widely perceived two years ago as
washed-up, Opec is almost back to enjoying its 1970's caricature of public
enemy number one.

Or is it? The price is certainly high but it has been much higher. In real
terms - priced in today's dollars - a barrel of crude oil costs about the
same as it did in 1973-74, when Opec first used its production clout as a
political weapon. Discounting inflation, oil reached its peak in 1981-82 at
$50 per barrel but since then the spending power of Opec's currency has been
in more or less steady decline.

It could decline fairly rapidly next spring. According to Deutsche Bank,
crude oil inventories are set to rise sharply next year. JJ Traynor,
Deutsche bank's oil analyst, is expecting a weak crude price in the second
quarter and he reckons the organisation will resist pressure for further
production increases. "They want a $25 oil price and Opec can see clearly
that this industry is investing more upstream than anywhere else."

The spending surge is alarming to the oil cartel. The big oil companies cut
expenditure in 1999 as their revenue accounts turned red. But lured by high
prices, the industry is spending again. According to Salomon Smith Barney's
survey of producers, global spending on exploration and production will
increase 18.6 per cent this year, with an even sharper 23 per cent rise in
investment by US oil companies.

Much of the investment is aimed at delivering quick barrels that can profit
from the recent price gains. Without a two million barrels-per-day cut in
Opec's quota early next year, prices could be heading back to $13 per barrel
by the end of next year.

The view from Caracas is less pretty than in Prague. Venezuela exports some
three million barrels per day but appalling economic mismanagement has left
the country mired in debt. Nigeria, producing two million barrels, is in
worse shape and there is probably no Opec producer, not even Saudi Arabia,
that is not smarting from the recent impact of $10 oil. At the peak of the
crisis, the Kingdom was forced to raise emergency loans from Abu Dhabi to
ease its cashflow.

Not surprising that Opec is angry about the posturing of American and
European politicians. As politicians faced consumer rebellion over petrol
prices, they cynically revived the image of the greedy oil sheikh. "We need
to put pressure on Opec," insisted Tony Blair to the impromptu mob of
truckers and farmers demonstrating about fuel taxes.

Opec has been protesting for the past year that consumers are overtaxed,
noting that they earn just 16 per cent of the price of a barrel of refined
oil, while Western governments take 68 per cent. But the battle to wrest
control of the rent in a barrel of oil has been waged by Opec for 40 years.
If the enemy has switched from British Petroleum to Gordon Brown, there is
little evidence to suggest that Opec is winning.

In 1960, Abdullah Tariki was angry about falling oil revenues. The son of a
camel owner, the "Red Sheikh" studied geology in Texas and shaped Saudi oil
policy at a time when producers were at the mercy of Standard Oil and BP.

The market price of crude was then falling, due to increased supplies from
the Soviet Union and, in an attempt to protect their margins, oil companies
cut the "official price" on which the producer's 50 per cent profit share
was pegged.

Standard Oil cut Middle Eastern crude prices by 7 per cent and Tariki
contacted Juan Pablo Perez Alfonzo, the Venezuelan minister of mines.
Between them, they hatched the framework for an organisation that would
defend the oil price and regulate production.

They have had mixed success, not least because the oil price is today driven
not by the numbers of crude tanker liftings in the Gulf but by stocks of
gasoline and heating oil in Rotterdam and New Jersey. It is an irony
troubling to Saudis that while President Clinton threatened to release US
strategic supplies, cargoes of Arab Light were going begging in the Gulf.
Refineries in America, seeking to comply with environmental legislation, do
not care for the heavy, high-sulphur Arabian product.

Threatened with an impending glut and facing an oil market that is
fragmenting, Opec's celebrations could be short-lived. Their consolation is
that consumers no longer believe that the sheikhs are to blame.







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