The Greening of California

By Michael Eisenscher

http://www.zmag.org/greening_of_california.htm 

With all the furor surrounding the uncertain outcome of the
presidential election, and fury on the part of some Democrats (and
even some self-identified lefties) at Ralph Nader for "spoiling" Al
Gore's stumbling campaign, it is easy to miss just what the Green
Party accomplished during this election season and to ignore the
achievements of other Green Party candidates.

Did Nader cost Gore the election? Was Nader a spoiler as some have
charged? Nationally 20% of all Democratic voters, 12% of all  self-
identified liberal voters, 39% of all women voters, 44% of all
seniors, one-third of all voters earning under $20,000 per year and
42% of those earning $20-30,000 annually, and 31% of all voting union
members cast their ballots for Bush. Were they all "spoilers" too?
When looking for someone to scapegoat for the miserable Gore showing,
it is convenient to point fingers at Nader, but in truth if Gore lost
this election, he lost it on his own (with considerable help from his
buddies in the Democratic  Leadership Council). When a sitting Vice
President, running in the best economy in 20 years, backed by 99.9% of
all union and African American leaders, running against an
inexperienced, often bumbling candidate like  Bush can't attract more
than 50% of the votes, who is really to  blame? Gore could not even
carry his home state of Tennessee. Was Nader to blame for that too?
Had he won there, he'd have won the election.  Pointing to Ralph Nader
as the cause is misdirected and self-deceptive, if not disingenuous.
There will never been a time when there will not be a lesser evil. To
excoriate those who resolve not to play the lesser evil game for
voting their convictions, and doing so on behalf of a candidate whose
platform, record, and personal integrity are heads and shoulders above
that of the Democrat and Republican, is destructive of the very
democratic values Nader's present critics claim to cherish. Rather
than  damn him, we ought to be grateful to Ralph Nader and his Green
supporters  for helping to reinvigorate U.S. politics and for
expanding the democratic space in our civic culture.

The Green Party is now a force to be reckoned with in California
politics,  displacing the Peace & Freedom Party as the most
significant voice from the left in electoral politics here. Ralph
Nader got 2.7 million votes nationally, including at least 5 percent
in 11 states (10% in Alaska) and the District of Columbia. He garnered
4% in eight more states. In California, Nader polled 372,598 votes
(3.9%). More than 463,000 people signed Nader's ballot access
petitions. The Nader campaign had 150,000 volunteers and 45,000
donors. Over 450 new Green Party locals and 900 campus organizations
were founded. 25,000 students volunteered and registered tens of
thousands of first-time voters. There were over 600 house parties.
Over 115,000 people signed an online petition protesting Nader's
exclusion from the Presidential debates. At least 77,000 people
attended super-rallies, paying up to $20 each to get in. 266 Greens
ran for office; 16 won elections in November and 14 won elections in
the  spring. In California, the Party increased its membership of
110,000 by 25%.

Medea Benjamin, the Green party candidate for U.S. Senate in
California, entered the race with no prior experience as a candidate
for office, but with a long and respected record as co-founder and
executive director of Global Exchange as a human rights advocate and
activist. She was one of the architects of the massive Seattle and DC
protests against the WTO, World Bank and IMF. Her considerable
organizing experience, boundless energy, and razor sharp intellect
enabled Medea, aided by a number of seasoned Green Party operatives,
to move her campaign from near total obscurity onto the center stage
of politics in California.

Medea received her nearly 300,000 votes (3.1%), a significant
accomplishment in itself for a first-time candidate who was
essentially  blacked out of the major press and electronic media. With
far less name recognition and media exposure, she ran only slightly
behind Nader's 3.9%. But in San Francisco County she polled 11.1% to
Nader's 8.2%; in Alameda County she polled 7.0% to Nader's 5.7%; in
Mendocino County 12.0%; in Humboldt County, 11.8%; Santa Cruz County
9.8%; in Sonoma County, 6.1%; in Santa Barbara County, 5.8%; in Butte
County, 5.6%; and in Yolo County, 5%.

The achievements of her campaign cannot be measured by the votes
alone. In the course of her campaign, Medea raised $250,000 (one-
fiftieth that raised by Feinstein). She opened six offices across the
state, recruited more than 400 volunteers, was endorsed by seven
newspapers. Medea spoke on more than 50 campuses, helping the Green
Party to establish 20 new campus chapters. She secured public
endorsements from 25 current and former elected officials, from more
than 30 union officials and two local unions (bucking considerable
pressure to stick with the California Federation of Labor's Feinstein
endorsement), from eleven social justice and social action
organizations, and more from than 100 distinguished public figures,
including David Brower and Helen Calidicott, Noam Chomsky and Angela
Davis, Barbara Ehrenreich and Michael Lerner, Ed Begley, Jr., Woody
Harrelson, and Bonnie Raitt, Manning Marable and Norman Solomon, Alice
Walker and Cornel West, Jim Hightower and Tom Ammiano.

Medea met with the editorial boards of every major newspaper in the
state  except the LA Times, and most of the weekly papers. She
appeared on or was  interviewed by nearly every community radio
station and NPR affiliate, as well as appearing on talk-radio stations
like KGO. Despite her persistent efforts, however, the television
media and mainstream press refused to cover her campaign. The only
serious television coverage she got was when she and a 125 supporters
sat in at the San Francisco station of KRON while it was broadcasting
one of only two debates in which Dianne Feinstein agreed to
participate, from which Medea was excluded. Feinstein spurned more
than a dozen other debate invitations. Medea did, however, debate GOP
candidate Tom Campbell three times, as well as appearing with him on
other occasions in joint interviews to protest Feinstein's refusal to
debate.

Despite these considerable achievements, the campaign was not without
its  deficiencies. Foremost among them was the failure of the Green
Party nationally to draw to it significant African American, Latino
and Asian voters, although Benjamin did better in that respect than
Nader. In the  face of what minority group voters perceived to be a
direct threat in the prospects of a Bush presidency, Greens were
largely unsuccessful in cracking the iron wall of support for the
Democratic ticket erected by the Black ministry, trade union leaders,
and established civil rights, environmental, women's and other
mainstream movement organizations that have operated traditionally
within the orbit of the Democratic Party.

Starting far too late to have an effective impact,the Greens were
unable to garner significant labor support, though Nader did get the
endorsement of the United Electrical Workers and California Nurses'
Association, and of a number of individual union locals. By the time
the Greens got around to approaching unions for endorsements, the AFL-
CIO had already committed itself to Gore and Feinstein, making it far
more difficult to approach local unions for their support. Benjamin
did, however, put up a credible  challenge to Feinstein for the
endorsement of the California Federation of Labor, securing a
substantial minority vote that some estimated at close to 40% (it was
a voice vote) during the Federation's political convention last
summer.

The real test for the Greens comes after the election in its ability
to meet the challenge of establishing a permanent institutional
presence in the political life of local communities and its skill in
building alliances and coalitions across movements that establish its
credibility and viability as an ongoing political force and serious
alternative to the two major parties.

In addition to its proposals for electoral and campaign finance reform
(public financing, instant run-off voting, proportional
representation, same-day voter registration, voting on weekends,
etc.), the Greens need to be at the forefront of the current protests
against the widespread denial of voting rights to African Americans,
Haitians and others in Florida and throughout the South that
demonstrate the old Jim Crow system still survives even decades after
the last voting rights march protested such abuse of Constitutional
rights in the former Confederate states. They also should take up the
banner for restoration of voting rights to African American men and
others who have been disproportionately subject to the denial of those
rights by a biased, often racist criminal justice system. The Greens
could also help expand the electorate by campaigning for the right to
vote for permanent resident immigrants.

If the Green Party is to root itself for the long haul in American
politics, it will have to work aggressively over the next few years
between  elections to earn the confidence and trust of these
constituencies. That requires that Greens be there on the issues and
in the struggles of importance to African American and other minority
communities and the labor movement, and that they engage in a
respectful dialog with these forces about how to increase political
independence while recognizing their political alliances with and
dependence upon progressive elements within the Democratic Party.
Adopting a progressive pro-worker progressive  platform is not enough.

Copyright � 2000 by Michael Eisenscher. All rights reserved. Michael
Eisenscher served as labor liaison for the Medea Benjamin Campaign. He
is currently Director of Organizational Development for the University
Council of American Federation of Teachers. The views expressed  in
this commentary are his alone. He can be reached at (510) 649-8626 or
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>.

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