All the president's men

George W Bush's new cabinet complies with the rule of bipartisanship, but only just,
writes Martin Kettle in Washington

Special report: George W Bush's America

Friday January 5, 2001

As the Florida election dispute came to a climax last month, there was a lot of
loose talk that the closeness of the result would compel George W Bush to govern
partly with Democrats and partly on Democratic terms. Most of that talk, it is worth
recalling, came from Democrats, not from Republicans.
In the event, Mr Bush has now clearly determined to do neither. His choices for his
cabinet, completed this week - an impressively quick effort overall - reveal a
preponderantly conservative lineup which underlines Mr Bush's confidence in his own
policy agenda and his own platform.

True, he has fulfilled his commitment to place a Democrat in his cabinet: Norman
Mineta, currently the Clinton administration's commerce secretary, will become Mr
Bush's transportation secretary. But a limited bipartisanship of this kind is
routine these days (Mr Clinton had a Republican secretary of defence). The most
important conclusion to draw on the new team is that Mr Bush has not been forced to
go beyond convention, or to choose someone against his will.

Nor, even more strikingly, has he shown much sign of being eager to drop key
elements of his platform. European diplomats in Washington had convinced themselves
that Mr Bush and Colin Powell would find a way of pushing the national missile
defence project (NMD) into touch to assuage European opinion, perhaps by the
appointment of a low-profile defence secretary.

However, the appointment of Donald Rumsfeld makes those predictions look naive. Mr
Rumsfeld is the chief patron of NMD. He chaired the committee that recommended it to
Mr Clinton in 1998. He has been appointed, as Mr Bush has made clear, to build
national missile defences.

On the home front, the political equivalent of NMD is Mr Bush's $1.6tn tax cut plan.
It's the plan his opponents most don't want to see put into action, so it is the
programme that the opposition experts have managed to persuade themselves that Mr
Bush is hoping to drop. If so, there is not much sign of it.

Judging by his comments this week, Mr Bush remains focused on his tax cuts. It's the
reason why he has been so ready to fan an air of mild economic crisis - something no
Democratic president would ever dare to do. By talking down the economy, Mr Bush
hopes to talk up the case for tax cuts to get the economy moving again.

He is setting his course in a conservative direction, which is why he will get a
fight on some of his more controversial cabinet nominations. Of these, three stand
out - those for attorney general, labour secretary and interior secretary - and of
these three, one is clearly the lightning rod for most of the forthcoming political
storms on Capitol Hill.

John Ashcroft's nomination as attorney general is the chosen battleground on which
Democrats will try to show their strength in the 50-50 senate. To read the
anti-Ashcroft literature that has been bagatelling around the internet these past
few days, you would imagine that there is no more obdurate conservative this side of
Pat Buchanan.

As the liberal columnist Joe Conason puts it, Mr Bush's nomination of Mr Ashcroft
"has reopened a debate that ought to have been settled in 1865 ... [the] apparent
endorsement of the defeated Southern slavocracy, with all that necessarily implies
about his true attitudes toward black Americans and other minorities."

We will hear more talk like this when, like all cabinet appointees, the ex-senator
for Missouri faces his Senate confirmation hearings. Linda Chavez, the
anti-affirmative action, anti-minimum wage nominee to head the Labour Department,
which administers affirmative action and the minimum wage, will face a tough time in
her hearings.

So will Gale Norton, the Coloradan whose support for property rights rather than the
creation of nature reserves, and for drilling rights rather than drilling bans in
protected lands make her an environmentalist's nightmare as interior secretary.

Mr Ashcroft's, though, will be the true connoisseur's contest. Not since the battles
in the 1980s over Ronald Reagan's nomination of Robert Bork to the US supreme court
have Democrats managed to fire themselves up with such fervour over a major
nomination.

The hearings will see Mr Ashcroft grilled on everything from abortion (which he
opposes in all, but the most narrow circumstances) to dancing (of which he also
disapproves). The conservative Mr Ashcroft will survive the ordeal in the end, but
it will be at a cost.

Yet that is the course that Mr Bush has set. It is undoubtedly a bold one, given the
narrowness of the congressional arithmetic and the circumstances of his own
election.

But bipartisanship? Forget it. Uniting, not dividing? That's for wimps. As the
conservative columnist George Will put it this week, Mr Bush's choices "communicate
his conviction that the election, though close, awarded him 100% of the presidency,
and he intends to use all of it." Ladies and gentlemen, please fasten your seat
belts.
Guardian


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