[has the FT already made up its mind about the Bush regime? I see only negativity
and fear. mark]

Published: January 10 2001 19:50GMT | Last Updated: January 10 2001 19:53GMT



When Bill Clinton first became US president, he pledged that trade would top his
foreign policy agenda. But George W. Bush's delay in appointing a US trade
representative and rumours that the job may be dropped from the cabinet suggest that
he is less sure of his priorities.

Mr Bush may simply want to review or restructure his administration's apparatus for
inter-national economic policymaking before naming a USTR. Mr Clinton substantially
expanded White House machinery in this area. There may well be a case for re-shaping
his bureaucratic legacy.

However, to downgrade the role of trade policy would be a mistake. The steadily
increasing importance of trade to the US economy has made other countries'
prosperity heavily dependent on its market and reinforced US interest in an open
world trade system. And in the year ahead, expanded exports will be needed to offset
flagging growth at home.

Furthermore, active trade diplomacy is increasingly vital in maintaining stable
international relations. That is particularly true in regard to Europe: not only is
the European Union the biggest US trade partner but trade questions have - for good
or ill - long dominated the dialogue between Brussels and Washington.

Whether the USTR carries cabinet rank probably matters less than the stature of
whoever does the job. Above all, he or she should be a skilful political heavyweight
who is trusted and respected by the president and carries clout in Congress. One
reason is that all trade deals involve compromises, which must be sold successfully
at home. Another is that a USTR can be effective only if trade partners know he or
she speaks with the full authority and support of the White House.

The international credibility of the USTR also depends on the job being distanced as
far as possible from special interests. The biggest mistake Mr Bush could make would
be to give primacy in trade policy to the Commerce Department. Its perspective is
too narrow and framed by excessively close ties with often protectionist producer
lobbies.

How far Mr Bush can advance trade liberalisation in the face of a divided Congress
is uncertain. If the US enters a recession, the agenda risks being shaped by a
resurgence of protectionist pressures. These, and any temptation to relapse into
unilateralism, need to be firmly resisted. Giving way would not only harm other
countries. It would also threaten a backlash of retaliation that the US cannot
afford when its own prosperity is so closely linked to the global economy.

Mr Bush's choice of USTR will send an important political signal about his trade
agenda. It will also critically influence how the rest of the world responds.



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